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The healthcare industry is increasingly going digital, with artificial intelligence helping diagnose conditions and patients with wearable smart devices being cared for at home.

But are these digital health initiatives actually improving patient care? And are they contributing to an already stressful environment?

Becker's reached out to healthcare leaders on the IT and clinical sides to get their perspectives on how the industry's digital shift is affecting patients and providers. In part one of this two-part series, we asked executives how technology had improved the patient experience.

In this second installment, Becker's asked digital executives: 

How do you believe the clinical side perceives your organization's digital health initiatives, and what are you doing to ensure the initiatives are improving patient care?

Tony Ambrozie. Senior Vice President and Chief Digital and Information Officer for Baptist Health South Florida (Coral Gables): Physicians look after the well-being of patients — including easy access to care and medical information and overall good experiences. For example, getting into and out of an encounter. Digital experiences for consumers help with exactly that if A) they work well for patients and B) they preferably help clinicians in some way or another, but definitely do not create unnecessary challenges and overhead for them.

For digital experiences for physicians, there is a huge legitimate appetite for adoption to simplify their work, especially with EHR burnout and lack of specific collaboration tools. But again, the expectation is that any technology must solve real needs and must work well, which many solutions in the past have not done; as such, there is a healthy "trust but verify" skepticism until proven.

Sure, in the current challenging economic situation, with inflation and labor shortage challenges for all healthcare providers in the U.S., some digital investments have to be prioritized ahead of others, but involving everybody in that balanced prioritization is the way to gain support. 

Tom Andriola. Chief Digital Officer at University of California Irvine Health: The pandemic exposed medical professionals to many types of technology-enabled interactions, many out of necessity. Reactions have varied. Some want to continue those practices, and some want to put them in a drawer and return to the practices of 2019.

For leaders who are attuned to the changes going on in the U.S. healthcare market, they clearly see the opportunity to have a robust strategic discussion around how these new models for virtual care, remote patient-monitoring, "'hospital at home," etc., will impact both the patient experience as well as the healthcare delivery model as we move toward more value-based care contracting.

We're using the opportunity to take a step back, evaluating our digital health initiatives that were implemented during the pandemic and engaging in a process of strategic planning — thinking about the future of our health system strategically and operationally. The conversation has brought together clinical, business and administrative leaders discussing how digitally enabled care fits into our strategic plan for current delivery capabilities and the future services that we see being expanded or coming online. The conversation has always included balancing quality, cost and access.

But post-pandemic healthcare is now also working with new definitions — expectations — around patient preference and experience. We also are evaluating the impact artificial intelligence technologies will have. It has been a good exercise for the organization in that it has forced the discussion and allowed us to reexamine our assumptions.

Zafar Chaudry, MD. Senior Vice President, Chief Digital Officer and CIO at Seattle Children's: At Seattle Children's we follow two paths to ensure clinical, patient, parent and caregiver stakeholders are actively and consistently engaged, and we also measure the satisfaction of our IT services using the Net Promoter Score. Our current NPS is +38.

For clinicians, we have our digital patient access, care and engagement team that works directly with them to provide digital solutions to help with their workflows. We ensure patient care is improving by measuring clinical outcomes using real-time dashboards — built on Microsoft Power BI and underpinned with IBM Netezza data warehousing technology — while multiple improvement projects are driven by our data lakes.

For our patients, parents and caregivers, we have formed an advisory group known as Parent Partners IT Children's Hospital, or PPITCH, to help us define and drive our patient-facing digital strategy. This group, combined with IT staff members, meets regularly to collaborate on how we can Excellerate the digital and technology experience for our patients and families.

Michael Hasselberg, PhD, RN. Chief Digital Health Officer at University of Rochester (N.Y.) Medical Center: One of the benefits of working at an academic medical center is the culture of inquisitiveness and creativity. We encourage our clinicians to bring forward the problems they are encountering, innovate and be part of the solution to advance care.

From the very beginning of our health system's digital transformation strategy, we made it a priority to include clinicians across many different disciplines in the governance process. It is our clinicians who prioritize our digital health initiatives and identify where early wins can be gained. In partnership with our informaticists, the front-line clinicians guide the integration of new digital tools into their current workflows and the electronic health record that they use daily.

Being data-driven and evidence-based are also pillars in academic medicine. To ensure that our digital health initiatives are actually improving patient care, we have invested significant data analytic resources around our strategy, while many of the researchers across our institution are studying the impact of these initiatives on health disparities and clinical outcomes. We have built data dashboards that provide feedback to our clinical, operational and technical teams that generate the insights needed to quickly iterate when we are not meeting our initiative goals. There is no question that healthcare is quickly moving into the digital age, and our clinicians at the University of Rochester Medical Center are engaged and excited for the future of patient care.

William Holland, MD. Senior Vice President of Care Management and Chief Medical Informatics Officer at Banner Health (Phoenix): Over the course of the first two years of the COVID-19 pandemic, we focused heavily on initiatives that helped support our goals of keeping our healthcare workers and patients safe. This included a significant increase in both inpatient and outpatient telehealth deployments, services and usage which allowed patients and clinicians to provide and receive care in the ways that worked best for them.

We are now in a different phase of the pandemic, one where we remain mindful of COVID-19 and also are intensely focused on driving organizational recovery from the impact of the pandemic. Our digital initiatives are transitioning from a COVID-19 focus to one of improving the overall experience of our clinicians through device integration, efficiency through documentation redesign, clinical improvements through advanced analytics and connectedness of care for our patients. Throughout all of this, we have been intentional about involving our front-line clinicians in identifying opportunities, leading and participating in design teams and creating an environment that welcomes open and transparent feedback.

We also leverage a combination of process, balance and outcome measures in each area to ensure that we are making progress in our work and that it has a meaningful and measurable impact on the quality and safety of care we provide.

Claus Jensen. Chief Innovation Officer of Teladoc Health: Traditional healthcare and digital health solutions are increasingly intertwined, and this is a trend that will be accelerating. Instead of asking which type of solution to use when, would it not be a better question to instead ask how we create a hybrid care model that brings the best of both and gives patients choice in a fully integrated and natively whole-person care model?

Our clinical leadership sees our digital health initiatives as the way to reach more people in more meaningful ways. And the way to make sure these initiatives Excellerate patient care is quite simply to work closely together and ensure that we fuse clinical and digital science effectively. We jointly believe that health equity, clinical efficacy and cost-effectiveness can all be addressed by the right blend of care components and resources.

Aaron Miri. Senior Vice President and Chief Digital and Information Officer at Baptist Health (Jacksonville, Fla.): We just went live on a brand new Epic electronic health record which is the direct result of listening to our caregivers on what they need to keep elevating the level of healthcare delivery. That's on top of investments in modernizing the technology stacks across the health system and ensuring that we block and tackle as much as we pursue items like healthcare artificial intelligence, ambient voice technology and other whiz-bang new stuff that are all the rage.

What I appreciate about Baptist Health is the laser focus on delivering the very best patient care possible versus an alternative approach of trying to act like a healthcare product vendor that dabbles in patient care. When you operate with that type of focus where you listen, respect, and engage in providing the highest quality patient care, it's only then that you can strive toward very advanced digital medicine therapies.

Aaron Neinstein, MD. Vice President of Digital Health at University of California San Francisco Health and Senior Director of the UCSF Center for Digital Health Innovation: We view digital health as a set of tools in our care delivery tool kit at UCSF that can help us advance quality care, Excellerate experience, Excellerate access to care and be more efficient in operations, allowing us to serve patients better.

Our digital health team works as part of cross-functional teams that include roles like operations, marketing, design, data science, engineering and product management, giving each team the full complement of expertise and perspectives to design, develop and deploy solutions that will positively impact these outcomes.

For example, for specialty referrals and patient scheduling, by deploying an improved patient web and mobile experience and more efficient back-end operations for handling referrals, we simplified and removed barriers to patients accessing care. Or, in deploying virtual care programs in lung transplant, inflammatory bowel disease and cancer patients receiving chemotherapy, leveraging wearable devices and mobile symptom assessment, our teams aimed to Excellerate patient experience, reduce their need to travel for in-person care and increase the frequency of touchpoints and engagement with care teams, which we hope will have measurable positive impacts on care quality outcomes.

One major advantage of thinking digitally is the goal of thoughtful and deliberate measurement built into every workflow and solution. So, a critical foundation for any of our programs is that each cross-functional team identifies the patient journey, builds in an ability to measure what is happening and continually analyzes those data so that we can see the outcomes and also see which points of friction the patient is experiencing that we can further optimize for. By baking detailed measurements into each program, we can also monitor the data on whether digital health tools are working as we hope, to reduce disparities in care, whether different populations are accessing or using the tools in different ways, or whether measurable gaps in use across populations appear.

Danny Sama. Vice President and Chief Digital Executive at Northwestern Medicine (Chicago): Our clinicians see the great opportunity for digital health to positively impact patients and themselves. However, they are wary about a potential added burden to their clinical workflows. We are constantly thinking about where and how to integrate digital tech into clinician workflows as seamlessly as possible. And every digital solution we consider is grounded in a value proposition to both patients and clinicians in the form of improved experience, increased efficiency or reduced risk.

Eric Smith. Senior Vice President and Chief Digital Officer at Memorial Hermann Health System (Houston): Our clinical providers are eager to adopt our digital initiatives, from online scheduling to virtual appointments — as long as the technology truly makes the experience better, easier and more efficient for our patients. With that in mind, we're working on initiatives designed to help patients have seamless, frustration-free experiences.

One of these is a platform that will allow patients to interact with us more digitally — by text, for instance — to remove the friction they might feel when trying to get information. We'll be able to remind them about preventive screenings, wellness exams and other regular appointments, encouraging them to schedule this routine care and follow up when necessary.

Finally, we're continuing to expand the options for patients to use our enhanced virtual health services when it makes sense for them to do so — helping them get the care they need in the way that is most convenient and readily available to them.

Jason Szczuka. Chief Digital Officer for Bon Secours Mercy Health (Cincinnati): BSMH's digital business (Accrete Health Partners) is unique in that we closely partner with our clinical teams to prioritize, validate and scale our digital initiatives so that we can ensure we solve existing problems, complement our clinicians' workflows and facilitate better experiences for our patients. We are proud of how our clinicians positively perceive and lean into our initiatives.

Prat Vemana. Senior Vice President and Chief Digital Officer at Kaiser Permanente (Oakland, Calif.): At Kaiser Permanente, we are building on our strong foundation as an innovator and continuously expanding our digital platform to deliver more personalized, seamless experiences for our 12.6 million members. Our clinical teams at Kaiser Permanente view our digital health initiatives as an integrated effort. Digital is applied in every area of our organization — from consumer engagement, physician workflows and optimization, to the clinical care setting. Our physicians and clinical teams are involved in designing our digital patient experiences and applying digital to their work in order to provide exceptional, integrated patient care.

To ensure our digital health tools are improving patient care, stakeholders from both the digital and clinical sides are involved in the entire process when developing digital experiences for our members. Kaiser Permanente's unique integrated model facilitates this collaboration and ensures that the right experts are at the table to think about the patient digital experience holistically. Program management, product managers, experience designers, clinical experts and health plan experts are involved from strategy to execution, empowering them to design and deliver successful digital solutions for both the patient and physician. The partnership and collaboration between these groups is essential to ensuring our members' needs and preferences are addressed by digital tools.

Kaiser Permanente is using artificial intelligence and machine learning technology to Excellerate the health outcomes for our members and patients. We are ahead of the curve on delivering machine learning-enabled solutions at the point of care. We gain rapid adoption of these solutions because we have cultivated strong relationships between our physicians, members and patients.

For example, our Advance Alert Monitor tool analyzes electronic health record data for medical-surgical inpatients, proactively identifies those with a high likelihood of clinical deterioration and activates a rapid response care team to develop a care plan. This is completed through a predictive model that uses algorithms created from machine learning and data from more than 1.5 million patients. A 2020 Kaiser Permanente study showed that our Advanced Alert Monitor tool is associated with statistically significant decreases in mortality [with between 550 to 3,020 lives saved over four years], hospital length of stay and intensive care unit length of stay, which shows us the positive impact our digital tools have in patient care and outcomes.

Tue, 09 Aug 2022 03:22:00 -0500 en-gb text/html https://www.beckershospitalreview.com/digital-health/how-12-digital-execs-streamline-tech-for-clinicians.html
Killexams : Necessity is the mother of the ‘Rugged DevOps’ movement

No matter how good your perimeter security is, experts agree: Your system has been breached, whether you know it or not. The costs of security flaws—cybersecurity expert Joe Franscella calls them “The Five Horsemen of the Internet Apocalypse: Scam, Extortion, Embarrassment, Theft and Death”—are enormous. So why don’t we consider security a first-class citizen in DevOps?

“Security is still one of the last places where that archaic approach of development handing off the software to a different team and walking away still reigns,” said Tim Buntel, vice president of products for XebiaLabs. “Secure software is just good software, and good software is secure software. Everything that we’re doing in DevOps is allowing us to build better software at scale and release it faster.”

But building security in from the start rather than tacking it on at the end “takes a lot more than getting the security guys to attend standup meetings,” Buntel continued. All too often, he said, even large regulated industries have a tiny cadre of security experts vetting a fraction of a huge portfolio. And these enterprise static analysis runs can take days.

(Related: Putting the test back in DevOps)

For this DevOps Buyer’s Guide, XebiaLabs, along with Microsoft, Dynatrace, CollabNet, Appvance and CloudBees, spoke with SD Times about best practices for Rugged DevOps (a term coined by DevOps author Gene Kim) or DevSecOps. All agree that the time is ripe for adding security scans and stack analysis earlier in the DevOps workflow and mitigating malicious activity. To paraphrase Bruce Schneier, software security may be getting better—but it’s getting worse faster.

Is there a move toward Rugged DevOps?
The open-source Jenkins Continuous Integration (CI) platform has had a pivotal role in the DevOps tool chain and even the cultural lore. CI today, however, is just one piece in the DevOps Continuous Delivery pipeline. Sacha Labourey, CEO and founder of CloudBees, which commercializes Jenkins, has seen his own company paralleling the evolution of DevOps.

“We saw it through the fast adoption of Continuous Delivery, which led to increasingly sophisticated ‘flows’ being implemented on top of Jenkins, he said. “Consequently, about two years ago, we initiated the development of what’s now known as Jenkins Pipeline, a core feature of the newly released Jenkins 2.0. We also see an increased use of Docker, since it makes it very easy to have the exact same container used in development, testing and production. To that end, we also contributed a lot of features back to the Jenkins community.”

With a large target on its back, Microsoft has focused on security for years. Today, CEO Satya Nadella encourages a “live site culture,” or production-first mindset.

“Part of that mindset is saying, ‘Anytime I see something go wrong, it’s an opportunity for learning. Anytime I see a breach in security, I need to ask what can I do so this doesn’t happen again.’ How can we shorten our detection time, Excellerate mitigation, and limit the radius of users affected?” said Sam Guckenheimer, product owner for Visual Studio Cloud Services at Microsoft.

Those questions are more common today in part thanks to the movement that began 15 years ago, said Guckenheimer. “You had in 2001 the Agile Manifesto: Build software in potentially shippable increments. In 2007, you had 10 deploys a day at Flickr. I think DevSecOps is next,” he said.

What’s holding us back is cultural, but it’s also technical. “Part of the problem is that most security tools are too slow to work in a Continuous Integration model,” said Guckenheimer. “Checkmarx is probably the tool that’s cracked that first. Ideally, you want to be able to have your code scanned as part of the pull request in the Continuous Integration flow, and that’s just not practical with most tools that exist.”

Increasingly automated software delivery tool chains and pipelines can become critical assets similar to the “infrastructure as code” concept. But all the vendors interviewed agreed that Rugged DevOps is primarily a cultural effort. “Tooling needs to help make that happen, but won’t lead it,” said Labourey.

Combatting apathy, enforcing empathy
At Microsoft, one method of instilling application-level security in team culture is via war games waged on software in production. Red teams are attackers, blue teams are defenders, and a referee verifies findings and lets the blue team know if they have thwarted a red team attack or a discovered a genuine external threat. “There are rules of engagement: You can’t compromise the customer SLA (service level agreement), you can’t exfiltrate data, you can’t damage the database or bring down the service, but as the red team, you prove that you can get right to that point,” said Guckenheimer.

While some Microsoft teams, such as Azure public cloud, do war games continuously, “For us it’s more like quarterly. We do not have a permanent red team; we rotate them,” said Guckenheimer. “We do have a permanent blue team who are real defenders. The goal is to make them better. When you do a retrospective on these things, everyone comes and listens.”

As a result of war games, Guckenheimer lives by basic security rules:

• Use just-in-time administration

• Use multifactor authentication

• Manage and rotate secrets via key vaults

• Use a DevOps release pipeline

• Destroy compromised instances

• Don’t tip your hand to attackers

• Segregate domains; don’t dual-home servers

• Use different passwords

• Don’t use open file share

• Assign only one admin per workstation

• Think before clicking links (to stop phishing)

“Shift left” is the mantra for DevOps, and security is no exception, according to Appvance CEO Kevin Surace. “DevOps means shifting everything left, including app penetration and DDoS (distributed denial of service) testing,” he said.

“It’s great to do once-a-year tests outside or have a security center of excellence. But any build can and does add security risks, which need to be found and evaluated. Source-code scanning should always be run, but you won’t be able to find everything until you execute use-case-driven [app penetration testing] at every build or at a minimum for each release candidate.”

War games and penetration tests are fun, but how do you create that empathetic connection between development and security? One controversial technique used to create empathy is giving pagers to developers so that they feel the pain of late-night operations snafus. Is there a similar approach that could happen with security?

“I don’t like the pager idea,” said Andreas Grabner, a developer advocate for Dynatrace. “What I like is that the team itself, we don’t deploy after 1 p.m. Why? Because we monitor. We still have three to four hours before we go home to figure out if that was a good or bad deployment. If at 1:30 p.m. we see an impact on end users, then we can say we introduced a bad deployment, or we roll back to a previous state.”

A pipe dream for low-tech companies
“These days, every business in the world relies on software to do business, but only a small percentage are actually software companies,” said Grabner. “They have to become software-defined businesses, but there’s not enough talent in the world to go around. That’s why the only way out of this is with solid automation and detecting all these problems in your pipeline.”

But is a Continuous Delivery pipeline with security gates even possible for many organizations? “That’s what everyone wants, but it’s very far away,” Grabner admits. Test automation is still in its infancy. “But the awareness that quality needs to be a core part of development is extremely increased.”

The concept of quality gates comes from Toyota’s iconic production line innovations, where any worker can stop the line if a quality check fails. In the case of software pipelines, according to Grabner, the automated quality gate can track architectural metrics such as the number of database queries executed, the number of web services calls, memory usage and more. “What we do with these quality gates is, we are detecting regressions caused by changes pushed on the pipeline: Something has changed from the way it used to be,” said Grabner.

“This feature consumed x amount of memory, and now it consumes y. If it has a negative impact, we need to stop the pipeline. This is what we call metrics-driven Continuous Development.” Teams can also aim to Excellerate the mean time from finding the issue to fixing it.

Monitoring deployed software is key. “We always also combine it with synthetic monitoring. That means if I deploy a new feature, I can monitor how real users use that feature, while synthetic monitoring checks the feature every 10 minutes,” said Grabner.

Securing components not your own
What about the code you didn’t write? How do you add security to 90% of code that is third-party components or open source? “Never just assume security and do use a governed adoption process and DevOps tools that support that,” said Ward Osborne, information security officer at Collabnet. “Limit your use of third-party to what you need. Test it. Disable all the stuff you don’t need at the start. Go through security testing.

“Back to the empathy question, if open source is important to your work, then it is good to establish relationships with the creators of the code and help them make it more secure—that is always a plus. Going forward, what we will see, as security becomes more integrated into development processes, is that open-source code will become more secure as well.”

There’s no excuse for playing fast and loose with frameworks, components and libraries, according to Guckenheimer: “Anyone worth their salt these days will only use trusted libraries. There are companies that specialize in that: WhiteSource and Black Duck and Sonatype, who will try to ensure that you are using trusted versions.”

Further, the pipeline also helps enforce policies around trusted components. “Presumably, you don’t consume anything, by policy, that isn’t acceptable because of known vulnerabilities and unsuitable maintenance on its side. These policies are reasonably easy to enforce with tooling,” said Guckenheimer.

Automation: If it hurts, do it more
The vendors surveyed agree that one baby step must happen before achieving the nirvana of a perfectly built app: test automation. “You need to aim for total automation, and if it hurts, it probably means you need to do it more, not less,” said Labourey. “That’s the only way to reliably and deterministically build products and make sure nobody can intrude through that process.

“Some initial reactions lead to thinking that automation will reduce security and just accelerate the deployment of buggy and insecure applications to production. Au contraire: If the right process is applied, automation behaves exactly like a boa constrictor, increasingly constricting any space left for human error, making it possible to reliably inject quality and security improvements through the process.”

But it will take a cultural change to get those who talk about DevOps and those who talk about security to do the unthinkable: eat lunch together at the next RSA conference. Creating virtuous loops, training consistently around phishing and other exploits, employing quality gates, scanning code and searching for anomalies is never-ending, but you’d better get good at it: It’s no longer optional.

DevOps war stories
SD Times asked security experts what their most frightening app-level security problem they’ve ever seen in their professional life, and what were the outcomes.

Ward Osborne, information security officer, Collabnet
“Complete indifference to security as a whole, and lack of understanding of security and how to build it in are the general components there. For example, some years back a major financial institution had failed an audit of the development center. The specific application that was flawed was an ATM platform, so every ATM essentially had a built in backdoor. The audit found weaknesses across CM, lack of peer reviews, and no location- or roles-based controls, which meant contractors could check out code, work on it at home and check it back in.

“It took six months to reengineer security into the ATM platform. This was very expensive: tens of millions of dollars. Had the model of methodology plus training plus tools been utilized to enforce best practices, this could have been prevented.”

Tim Buntel, vice president of products, XebiaLabs
“Honestly, the kinds of things that I’ve seen over the years are distressingly simple in many cases. SQL injection continues to plague so many applications.

“The presence of private keys, Amazon Web Services tokens, database credentials and credentials for third-party APIs in public repos is a common problem. I believe that was behind the Ashley Madison hack. Uber had an exploit that was based on a key stored in an available repo. That’s starting to change: Windows Azure has added a key vault that gives you a nice way to securely manage your keys.”

Kevin Surace, CEO, Appvance
“We witnessed a financial services company where under certain circumstances, particularly under heavier loads, a user would log in to their account and access other people’s data. In the end this was a caching issue with a pointer not moving fast enough when the system was at capacity. But this is the kind of thing that could have cost that company embarrassment and even financial losses or legal action. This begged for performance testing early in the cycle and often, looking for situations where response data does not match the expected under nominal and even extreme load conditions.”

Andreas Grabner, developer advocate, Dynatrace
“An example from our own organization happened to us a couple weeks ago. We provide a free version of our product, and someone used a security hole in our own signup form for malicious link injection. We became a spambot for them. That was scary, but we have monitoring in place, and we found out that number of requests from a specific geographic location jumped like crazy—in our case, in China. We saw business hours and IP addresses in China. Because we capture all the parameters, we saw they were using malicious link injection. So we saw spikes of load with malicious links.

“That allowed us do two things: Talk with the ops team about blocking that IP address, and talk with the dev team about not allowing just any kind of text to be filled into that form.”

Sam Guckenheimer, Visual Studio Cloud Services, Microsoft
“Any company of significance needs to assume that they are breached. Phishing is often very not random, very targeted. The Sony hack in 2014 was a case where the attackers were very sophisticated in targeting individuals. They like to target sys admins because they have admin credentials and network access.

“In terms of general DevOps goodness, if you can redeploy from the bare metal up very quickly, then it’s much easier to get rid of any attacker than if you have an infrastructure that stays in place for months or years. If you have static infrastructure and rigid change management, you’re in trouble. If you look at all highly publicized attacks, they all have that characteristic.

“The thing about APTs (advanced persistent threats) is, these are highly sophisticated agencies willing to do months of reconnaissance and stay undetected indefinitely if they can. The goal is often to plant themselves inside a network and just stay there.”

Sacha Labourey, CEO and founder, CloudBees
“At JBoss, over time, we had a number of security issues detected in the application server. Much like for any platform provider (operating systems, application servers, etc.), the situation is pretty stressful as you know that fixing the bug is only the first and probably easiest part of fixing the problem. The fixed binary now has to be deployed in dozens or thousands of clusters, which might take a very long time, and you don’t really control that part. This makes it pretty stressful as you can discover unpatched instances long after the problem was fixed.

“Sometimes, those companies simply didn’t react or didn’t know about the issue, information got lost. But in some cases, companies can make the conscious decision not to upgrade and wait for the next upgrade cycle, due to the fear of introducing instability in their systems. This is where having a fully-automated Continuous Delivery environment can hugely increase security as it makes it possible to test the new patched environment for a very low cost, in very little time.”

A guide to ‘Rugged DevOps’ offerings
Appvance: The Appvance Unified Test Platform (UTP) is designed to make Continuous Delivery and DevOps faster, cheaper and better. It features the ability to create tests, build scenarios, run tests and analyze results; a codeless recording environment; a full test suite; and multiple deployment options. In addition, Appvance UTP allows users to work with their existing tools, write once, and aims to provide a beginning-to-end testing solution.

Atlassian: Atlassian products accelerate delivery pipelines and amplify feedback. Teams have full visibility into their delivery pipeline thanks to JIRA Software, Bitbucket and Bamboo. Teams monitor operations via HipChat integrations and JIRA Service Desk, then collect and organize that input in Confluence to build a shared understanding of customers’ pain points.

BlazeMeter: BlazeMeter aims to fill an important gap missing in the Continuous Delivery pipeline: performance testing. The company helps keep up with demands modern software delivery teams have to deal with by making load and performance testing part of any workflow. The BlazeMeter solution features the ability to create and control tests using an automation-friendly domain specific language (DSL), run locally or from any of 30 cloud locations at any scale from a single test plan, receive real-time reporting and analytics and integrate via API and CLI to any other solution.

CA Technologies: CA Technologies DevOps solutions automate the entire application’s life cycle—from testing and release through management and monitoring. The CA Service Virtualization, CA Agile Requirements Designer, CA Test Data Manager and CA Release Automation solutions ensure rapid delivery of code with transparency. The CA Unified Infrastructure Management, CA Application Performance Management and CA Mobile App Analytics solutions empower organizations to monitor applications and end-user experience to reduce complexity and drive constant improvement.

Chef: Chef Enterprise delivers a shared repository of code for automating applications and resources. The solution provides a way for development and operations teams to collaborate and move at the speed of the market. It includes role-based access control, centralized reporting, activity monitoring, an enhanced management console, and multi-tenancy.

CloudBees: CloudBees, the enterprise Jenkins company, is the Continuous Delivery (CD) leader. CloudBees provides solutions that enable DevOps teams to respond rapidly to the software delivery needs of the business. Building on the strength of Jenkins, the world’s most popular open-source CD hub and ecosystem, the CloudBees Jenkins Platform provides a wide range of CD solutions that meet the unique security, scalability and manageability needs of enterprises.

CollabNet: CollabNet offers TeamForge, the industry’s No. 1 open application life-cycle-management platform that helps automate and manage enterprise application life cycle in a governed, secure and efficient fashion. CollabNet delivers enterprise software collaboration, life-cycle tool integration, and visibility to an expanded marketplace that must efficiently manage distributed agile implementations and DevOps initiatives. Leading global enterprises and government agencies rely on TeamForge to extract strategic and financial value from accelerated application development and delivery.

Dynatrace: Dynatrace offers products to help DevOps teams make more successful deployments by identifying bad code changes early and providing collaboration features to communicate success and failures between business and engineering. Dynatrace Application Monitoring automatically detects problems in production, traces end-to-end transactions, identifies end-user impact, provides code-level visibility for root cause diagnostics, eliminates false alarms, and can be automated into the Continuous Delivery processes to stop bad builds early in the delivery pipeline. Dynatrace User Experience Management monitors end users and all their interactions on their devices. It provides crash reports for mobile native apps, user behavior analysis and root cause analysis when bad user experience impacts behavior.

Electric Cloud: Electric Cloud is the leader in DevOps release automation. We help organizations developing enterprise web/IT, mobile and embedded systems applications deliver better software faster by automating and accelerating build, deployment and release processes at scale. Leading organizations like Cisco, E-Trade, Gap, GE, HP, Intel, Lockheed Martin, Qualcomm and Sony use Electric Cloud solutions and services to boost DevOps productivity and agile throughput, while providing a scalable, auditable, predictable and high-performance pathway to production.

IBM: IBM Bluemix provides the easiest, fastest on-ramp for any developer to create next-generation apps for the enterprise with IBM Cloud. Bluemix has grown exponentially since its launch in 2014, rapidly becoming one of the largest open public cloud deployments in the world. Onboarding more than 20,000 new developers each week, Bluemix currently offers more than 140 services and APIs—including advanced tools in cognitive, blockchain, Internet of Things, analytics and more—to design next-era, competitive apps which use data in new ways. Combining the power of these high-value services with the instant and easily accessible infrastructure of IBM Cloud, Bluemix is continuously delivering to developers—rapidly defining and adding what they need to build and iterate quickly.

JetBrains: TeamCity is a Continuous Integration and Delivery server from JetBrains (the makers of IntelliJ IDEA and ReSharper). It takes moments to set up, shows your build results on the fly, and works out of the box. TeamCity will make sure your software gets built, tested, and deployed, and will notify you on that the way you choose. TeamCity integrates with all major development frameworks, version-control systems, issue trackers, IDEs, and cloud services, providing teams with an exceptional experience of a well-built intelligent tool. With a fully functional free version available, TeamCity is a great fit for teams of all sizes.

Microsoft: Visual Studio Team Services, Microsoft’s cloud-hosted DevOps service, offers Git repositories; agile planning; build automation for Windows, Linux and Mac; cloud load testing; Continuous Integration and Continuous Deployment to Windows, Linux and Microsoft Azure; application analytics; and integration with third-party DevOps tools. Visual Studio Team Services supports any development language and is based on Team Foundation Server. It also integrates with Visual Studio and other popular code editors. Visual Studio Team Services is free to the first five users on a team, or to users with MSDN.

Serena Software: Serena Deployment Automation bridges the DevOps gap by simplifying and automating deployments and supporting Continuous Delivery. With Deployment Automation, teams can deliver efficient, reliable and high-quality software faster while reducing cycle times and providing feedback. Features include the ability to manage test and production environments, deployment pipeline automation, tool-chain integration, inventory tracking, the ability to create and visualize end-to-end deployment processes, and a reliable and repeatable process.

Tasktop: Tasktop integrates the tools that software delivery teams use to build great software. Tasktop Sync provides fully automated, enterprise-grade synchronization among the disparate life-cycle- management tools used in software development and delivery organizations. It allows practitioners in various disciplines to collaborate on the artifacts and work items they create while operating in their tool of choice. This enhances efficiency, visibility and traceability across the entire software development and delivery life cycle. Tasktop Data collects real-time data from these tools, creating a database of cross-tool life-cycle data and providing unparalleled insight into the health of the project.

XebiaLabs: XebiaLabs’ enterprise-scale Continuous Delivery and DevOps software provides companies with the visibility, automation and control they need to deliver software better, faster and with less risk. Global market leaders rely on XebiaLabs software to meet the increasing demand for accelerated and more-reliable software releases. For more information, please visit www.xebialabs.com.

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Immigrant America
A Portrait
By Alejandro Portes and Ruben G. Rumbaut

Introduction: Who They Are and Why They Come

In Guadalajara, Juan Manuel Fernandez worked as a mechanic in his uncle's repair shop making the equivalent of $150 per month. At thirty-two and after ten years on the job, he decided it was time to go into business on his own. The family, his uncle included, was willing to help, but capital for the new venture was scarce. Luisa, Juan's wife, owned a small corner grocery shop; when money ran out at the end of the month, she often fed the family off the store's shelves. The store was enough to sustain her and her children but not to capitalize her husband's project. For a while, it looked as if Juan would remain a worker for life.

Today Juan owns his own auto repair shop, where he employs three other mechanics, two Mexicans and a Salvadoran. The shop is not in Guadalajara, however, but in Gary, Indiana. The entire family--Luisa, the two children, and a brother--have resettled there. Luisa does not work any longer because she does not speak English and because income from her husband's business is enough to support the family. The children attend school and already speak better English than their parents. They resist the idea of going back to Mexico.

Juan crossed the border on his own near El Paso in 1979. No one stopped him, and he was able to head north toward a few distant cousins and the prospect of a factory job. To his surprise, he found one easily and at the end of four months was getting double the minimum wage in steady employment. A1most every worker in the plant was Mexican, his foreman was Puerto Rican, and the language of work was uniformly Spanish. Three trips from Gary to Guadalajara during the next two years persuaded him that it made much better sense to move his business project north of the border. Guadalajara was teeming with repair shops of all sorts, and competition was fierce. "In Gary," he said, "many Mexicans would not get their cars fixed because they did not know how to bargain with an American mechanic." Sensing the opportunity, he cut remittances to Mexico and opened a local savings account instead.

During his last trip, the "migra" (border patrol) stopped him shortly after crossing; that required a costly second attempt two days later with a hired "coyote" (smuggler). The incident put a stop to the commuting. Juan started fixing cars out of a shed in front of his barrio home. Word got around that there was a reliable Spanish-speaking mechanic in the neighborhood. In a few months, he was able to rent an abandoned garage, buy some equipment, and eventually hire others. To stay in business, Juan has had to obtain a municipal permit and pay a fee. He pays his workers in cash, however, and neither deducts taxes from their wages nor contributes to Social Security for them. All transactions are informal and, for the most part, in cash.

Juan and Luisa feel a great deal of nostalgia for Mexico, and both firmly intend to return. "In this country, we've been able to move ahead economically, but it is not our own," she says. "The gringos will always consider us inferior." Their savings are not in the bank, as before the shop was rented, but in land in Guadalajara, a small house for his parents, and the goodwill of many relatives who receive periodic remittances. They figure that in ten years they will be able to return, although they worry about their children, who may be thoroughly Americanized by then. A more pressing problem is their lack of "papers" and the constant threat of deportation. Juan has devised ingenious ways to run the business, despite his illegal status, but it is a constant problem. A good part of his accurate earnings is in the hands of an immigration lawyer downtown, who has promised to obtain papers for a resident's visa, so far without results.

At age twenty-six, Nguyen Van Tran was a young lieutenant in the army of the Republic of South Vietnam when a strategic retreat order from the ARVN high command quickly turned into the final rout. Nguyen spent three years in communist reeducation camps, all the while attempting to conceal his past as a skilled electronics technician. He finally got aboard a boat bound for Malaysia and after two more years in a refugee camp arrived in Los Angeles in 1980. He had neither family nor friends in the city, but the government provided some resettlement aid and the opportunity to Excellerate his English. At the end of a year, he had secured a job in a local electronics assembly plant, which brought in enough to support himself and his wife and child.

Seeing this plant double in a single year, Nguyen realized the opportunities opening up in electronics. He enrolled in the local community college at night and graduated with an associate degree in computer science. He pooled his savings with another Vietnamese technician and a Chinese engineer and in 1983 launched his own firm. Two years later Integrated Circuits, Inc., employed approximately three hundred workers; most were not Asians, but undocumented Mexican women. By 1985, the company sold about $20 million worth of semiconductors and other equipment to the local IBM plant and other large firms. ICI has even started its own line of IBM-compatible personal computer, the Trantex, which has sold well so far in the local market.

Nguyen, who is chairman of the company, sports a mustache, a sleek Mercedes, and a brand new name, George Best. Perhaps for fear of the "protection gangs" re-created by former Vietnamese policemen in Los Angeles, he has kept a low profile within the Vietnamese community. The name change is part of this approach. "Mr. Best" is not particularly nationalistic, nor does he dream of returning to Vietnam. He attributes his remarkable five-year ascent to hard work and a willingness to take risks. To underline the point, he has hung a large portrait of himself in his community college graduation gown behind his oversize desk. He and his wife are already U.S. citizens. They vote Republican, and he has recently joined the local chamber of commerce.

Lilia Gonzalez-Fleites left Cuba at fifteen, sent alone by her formerly wealthy parents, who remained behind. The Catholic Welfare Agency received her in Miami, and she went to live with other refugee children in an orphanage in Kendall, Florida, until released to an aunt. She finished high school promptly and married, without her parents' consent, her boyfriend from Cuba, Tomas. There was little work in Miami, and the young couple accepted an offer from the Cuban Refugee Center to resettle them, along with the rest of Tomas's family, in North Carolina. Everyone found work in the tobacco and clothing factories except Lilia, whom Tomas kept at home. At eighteen, the formerly pampered girl found herself a cook and maid for Tomas's entire family.

By sheer luck, the same order of nuns who ran her private school in Havana had a college nearby. Lilia used her school connections to gain admittance with a small scholarship and found herself a part-time job. Those were hard years, working in one city and attending school in another. Tomas and Lilia rarely saw each other because he also decided to return to school while still working.

At age thirty-nine, Lilia is today a successful Miami architect. Divorced from Tomas, she has not remarried, instead pursuing her professional career with single-minded determination. When Cuban refugees finally abandoned their dreams of return, Lilia entered local politics, affiliating with the Republican party. She ran for state office in 1986 but was defeated. Undaunted, she remained active in the party and became increasingly prominent in south Florida political circles. More than an immigrant success story, she sees herself at the beginning of a public career that will bridge the gap between the Anglo and Cuban communities in south Florida. Her unaccented English, fierce loyalty to her adopted country, and ability to shift easily between languages and cultures bodes well for her political future.

After finishing medical school, Amitar Ray confronted the prospect of working ad honorem in one of the few well-equipped hospitals in Bombay or moving to a job in the countryside and to quick obsolescence in his career. He opted instead for preparing and taking the Educational Council for Foreign Medical Graduates (ECFMG) examination, administered at the local branch of the Indo-American Cultural Institute. He passed it on his second attempt. In 1972, there was a shortage of doctors in the United States, and U.S. consulates were directed to facilitate the emigration of qualified physicians from abroad.

Amitar and his wife, also a doctor, had little difficulty obtaining permanent residents' visas under the third preference of the U.S. immigration law, reserved for professionals of exceptional ability. He went on to specialize in anesthesiology and completed his residence at a public hospital in Brooklyn. After four years, nostalgia and the hope that things had improved at home moved the Rays to go back to India with their young daughter, Rita. The trip strengthened their professional and family ties, but it also dispelled any doubts as to where their future was. Medical vacancies were rare and paid a fraction of what he earned as a resident in Brooklyn. More important, there were few opportunities to grow professionally because he would have had to combine several part-time jobs to earn a livelihood, leaving little time for study.

At fifty-one, Amitar is now associate professor of anesthesiology at a midwestern medical school; his wife has a local practice as an internist. Their combined income is in the six figures, affording them a very comfortable life-style. Their daughter is a senior at Bryn Mawr, and she plans to pursue a graduate degree in international relations. There are few Indian immigrants in the mid-sized city where the Rays live; thus, they have had to learn local ways in order to gain entry into American social circles. Their color is sometimes a barrier to close contact with white middle-class families, but they have cultivated many friendships among the local faculty and medical community.

Ties to India persist and are strengthened through periodic trips and through the professional help the Rays are able to provide to colleagues back home. They have already sponsored the immigration of two bright young physicians from their native city. More important, they make sure that information on new medical developments is relayed to a few selected certified back home. However, there is little chance that they will return, even after retirement. Work and new local ties play a role in this, but the decisive factor is a thoroughly Americanized daughter whose present life and future have very little to do with India. Rita does not plan to marry soon; she is interested in Latin American politics, and her current goal is a career in the foreign service.

After a lapse of half a century, the United States has again become a country of immigration. In 1990, the foreign-born population reached 19.8 million or 7.9 percent of the total. Although a far cry from the situation eighty years earlier, when immigrants accounted for 14.7 percent of the American population, the impact of contemporary immigration is both significant and growing. Numerous books and articles have called attention to this revival and sought its causes--first in a booming American economy and second in the liberalized provisions of the 1965 immigration act. A common exercise is to compare this "new" immigration with the "old" inflow at the turn of the century. Similarities include the predominantly urban destination of most newcomers, their concentration in a few port cities, and their willingness to accept the lowest paid jobs. Differences are more frequently stressed, however, for the "old" immigration was overwhelmingly European and white; but the present inflow is, to a large extent, nonwhite and comes from countries of the Third World.

The public image of contemporary immigration has been colored to a large extent by the Third World origins of most accurate arrivals. Because the sending countries are generally poor, many Americans believe that the immigrants themselves are uniformly poor and uneducated. Their move is commonly portrayed as a one-way escape from hunger, want, and persecution and their arrival on U.S. shores as not too different from that of the tired, "huddled masses" that Emma Lazarus immortalized at the base of the Statue of Liberty. The "quality" of the newcomers and their chances for assimilation are sometimes portrayed as worse because of their non-European past and the precarious legal status of many.

The reality is very different. The four previous cases, each a composite of real life experiences, are certainly not representative of all accurate immigrants. Clearly, not all newcomers are doctors or skilled mechanics, and fewer still become politicians or millionaires. Still, these are not isolated instances. Underneath its apparent uniformity, contemporary immigration features a bewildering variety of origins, return patterns, and modes of adaptation to American society. Never before has the United States received immigrants from so many countries, from such different social and economic backgrounds, and for so many reasons. Although pre-World War I European immigration was by no means homogeneous, the differences between successive waves of Irish, Italians, Jews, Greeks, and Poles often pale by comparison with the current diversity. For the same reason, theories coined in the wake of the Europeans' arrival at the turn of the century have been made obsolete by events during the last decades.

Increasingly implausible, for example, is the view of a uniform assimilation process that different groups undergo in the course of several generations as a precondition for their social and economic advancement. There are today first-generation millionaires who speak broken English, foreign-born mayors of large cities, and top-flight immigrant engineers and scientists in the nation's research centers; there are also those, at the other extreme, who cannot even take the first step toward assimilation because of the insecurity linked to an uncertain legal status.

This book describes that diversity. Many of the countries from which today's immigrants come have one of their largest cities in the United States. Los Angeles' Mexican population is next in size to those of Mexico City, Monterrey, and Guadalajara. Havana is not much larger than Cuban Miami, and Santo Domingo holds a precarious advantage over Dominican New York. This is not the case for all groups; others, such as Asian Indians, Laotians, Argentines, and Brazilians, are more dispersed throughout the country. Reasons for both these differences and other characteristics of contemporary immigrant groups are not well known--in part because of the recency of their arrival and in part because of the common expectation that their assimilation process would conform to the well-known European pattern. But immigrant America is a different place today from the America that emerged out of Ellis Island and grew up in the tenements of New York and Boston.

The Origins of Immigration

Why do they come? A common explanation singles out the 1965 change in American immigration law as the principal factor. According to this view, today's immigrants come because they can, whereas before 1965 legal restrictions prevented them from doing so. Although the 1965 law certainly explains qualitative and quantitative changes in immigration during the last three decades, it is an insufficient explanation. Not everyone in even the major sending countries has immigrated or is planning to do so. Compared to the respective national populations, those who decide to migrate generally represent a minuscule proportion. The question can thus be reversed to ask not why many come, but why so few have decided to undertake the journey, especially with difficult economic and political conditions in many sending countries.

Moving to a foreign country is not easy, even under the most propitious circumstances. It requires elaborate preparations, much expense, giving up personal relations at home, and often learning a new language and culture. Not so long ago, the lure of higher wages in the United States was not sufficient by itself to attract foreign workers and had to be activated through deliberate recruitment. Mexican immigration, for example, was initiated by U.S. growers and railroad companies who sent recruiters into the interior of Mexico to bring needed workers. By 1916, five or six weekly trains full of Mexican workers hired by the agents were being run from Laredo to Los Angeles. According to one author, the competition in El Paso became so fierce that recruiting agencies stationed their employees at the Santa Fe bridge, where they literally pounced on immigrants as they crossed the border.

The question then remains, What are the factors motivating some groups but not others to seek entry into the United States at present? The most common answer is the desperate poverty, squalor, and unemployment of many foreign lands. Two authors offer this somber assessment:

We call the poorest countries of the world "developing countries," as though the use of a progressive adjective could make a country progressive. But the overwhelming evidence is that most of these countries are not "developing" countries but "never-to-be-developed" countries. Most of the world's poor will stay poor for our lifetimes and for several generations to come, and there is nothing the developed nations can do to alter this fact.

They go on to argue that as these countries "sink into squalor, poverty, disease, and death," their poor will seek to migrate en masse to the United States and other developed countries to escape these terrible conditions. Other less alarmist accounts tend to share the same basic view of migration as a consequence of foreign destitution and unemployment.

These statements are made despite a mounting body of evidence that points in the exact opposite direction. Consider legal immigration. The proportion of professionals and managers among occupationally active immigrants consistently exceeds the average among U.S. workers. During the last two decades, immigrant professionals represented around 33 percent of the total, at a time when professionals and managers ranged between 17 and 27 percent of the American labor force. Although the gap may be somewhat exaggerated by the available immigration data, other sources confirm that accurate immigrants are as well represented as the native-American population at the higher educational and occupational levels. For 1990, the census reported the percentage completing four or more years of college as 20.3 percent for natives and 20.4 percent for the foreign born; the number in professional specialty occupations was about the same for both groups: 12 to 14 percent. For this reason, the gap in median household incomes in favor of the native born did not exceed U.S. $2000 in that year, despite the fact that over 40 percent of the foreign born had been in the United States for ten years or less.

But even if legal immigrants represent a select group from most sending countries, what about the illegals? The evidence here is more tentative because of the difficulty of investigating a surreptitious flow. However, the available studies coincide on two points: The very poor and the unemployed seldom migrate, either legally or illegally; and unauthorized immigrants tend to have above-average levels of education and occupational skills in comparison with their homeland populations. More important, they are positively self-selected in terms of ambition and willingness to work.

Mexico is the source of over 95 percent of unauthorized aliens apprehended in the United States during the last two decades. Although the socioeconomic origins of most immigrants are modest by U.S. standards, they consistently meet or surpass the average for the Mexican population. Illiteracy among Mexican unauthorized immigrants has been estimated at between 3 and 10 percent, at a time when the figure for Mexico as a whole was 22 percent. At the other end, those with at least some secondary education have been estimated by four different studies to hover around 30 percent while only 21 percent had reached similar schooling in the Mexican population. Contrary to the stereotype of Mexican immigrants as overwhelmingly impoverished peasants, up to 48 percent of the unauthorized have been found to originate in cities of twenty thousand or more, in comparison with 35 percent of all Mexicans.

During the 1970s, around 45 percent of Mexican workers made their living from agriculture; a study of apprehended illegals estimated a similar proportion, 49 percent, but another of former illegals who had regularized their situation reduced it to 18 percent. White-collar and urban skilled and semiskilled occupations employed between 35 and 60 percent of unauthorized immigrants prior to their departure from Mexico; these occupations absorbed approximately 30 percent of the Mexican population in comparable years. All studies coincide in that few of these immigrants were unemployed in Mexico, the figure hovering around 5 percent. As one author states, "the findings indicate that it is not the lack of jobs, but of well-paid jobs, which fuels migration to the U.S."

Even more conclusive findings come from research in the Dominican Republic, another important source of illegal immigration. Several independent studies conclude that Dominicans who migrate internationally, including those without documents, are more likely to come from the cities, have much higher levels of literacy, be relatively more skilled, and have lower levels of unemployment than the Dominican population as a whole. Among those from rural areas, migrants come predominantly from the sector of medium to large farmers rather than from the landless peasantry.

The main reason the poorest of the poor do not migrate across international borders is that they are not able to. In Mexico, "those at the very bottom of the local income distribution are not likely to migrate to the States because they lack even the resources needed to cover the costs of transportation and fees charged by the smugglers." In the Dominican Republic, "there are major legal and financial barriers that prevent the poor from migrating ... reports suggest that it costs several thousand dollars to be provided with papers and smuggled out of the country." Studies of Haitian unauthorized migration also report that it costs thousands to buy passage aboard barely seaworthy craft bound for south Florida.

But if migrants do not come to escape unemployment or destitution, why do they come? Why, in particular, should middle-class professionals and skilled workers embark on a costly journey, sometimes surreptitiously, and sacrifice work, friends, and family back home? The basic reason is the gap between life aspirations and expectations and the means to fulfill them in the sending countries. Different groups feel this gap with varying intensity, but it clearly becomes a strong motive for action among the most ambitious and resourceful. Because relative, not absolute deprivation lies at the core of most contemporary immigration, its composition tends to be positively selected in terms of both human capital and motivation. The United States and the other industrialized countries play a double role in this process. First, they are the source of much of the modern culture of consumption and of the new expectations diffused worldwide. Second, the same process of global diffusion has taught an increasing number of people about economic opportunities in the developed world that are absent in their own countries.

It is thus not surprising that most of today's immigrants, even the undocumented, have had some education and come from cities, for these are precisely the groups most thoroughly exposed to life-styles and consumption patterns emanating from the advanced world. These are also the groups for whom the gap between aspirations and local realities is most poignant and among whom one finds the individuals most determined to overcome this situation. Educated and skilled workers and small farmers are generally better informed about employment opportunities abroad than the illiterate and the destitute. Those at the bottom of the social structure not only lack the means to migrate, but often the motivation to do so because they are less exposed to the lure of consumption styles in the developed nations and are less aware of the work opportunities in them.

The form that this gap takes varies, of course, across countries and social groups. For skilled workers and small farmers, migration is the means to stabilize family livelihoods and meet long-desired aspirations--a car, a TV set, domestic appliances of all sorts, additional land and implements. For urban professionals, it provides a means of reaching life standards commensurate with their past achievements and to progress in their careers. Seen from this perspective, contemporary immigration is a direct consequence of the dominant influence attained by the culture of the advanced West in every corner of the globe. The bewildering number and variety of today's immigrants reflect this worldwide reach and the vision of modern life and individual fulfillment that goes with it.

Back in the nineteenth century, the United States was a growing industrializing country that needed labor; but because its life standards were not a global model and its economic opportunities were not well known, it had to resort to deliberate recruitment. Thus, the vaunted "pull" of U.S. wages had to be actualized by American migration agents sent to Mexico, Ireland, southern Italy, and the Austro-Hungarian empire to apprise people of the "better meals and higher wages" available for work in the eastern canal companies, the western railroads, and later on in industry.

The enormous variety of today's immigrants and the fact that they come spontaneously rather than through deliberate recruitment reflect the attraction of American life-styles and their gradual conversion into a world standard. Immigrants do not come to escape perennial unemployment or destitution in their homeland. Most undertake the journey instead to attain the dream of a new life-style that has reached their countries but that is impossible to fulfill in them. Not surprisingly, the most determined individuals, those who feel the distance between real reality and life goals most poignantly, often choose migration as the path to resolve this contradiction.

Immigrants and Their Types

Within this general picture, there are significant differences in migration goals and their relative fulfillment. Any typology implies simplification, but it is useful at this point to present a basic classification of contemporary immigrants to organize the upcoming analysis of their process of adaptation. Each basic type is represented by several nationalities; conversely, a national group may include individuals representing different types. These are distinguished by a series of common characteristics of socioeconomic origin and reasons for departure that tend to be associated with different courses of adaptation once in the United States.

Labor Migrants

Manual labor immigration corresponds most closely to popular stereotypes about contemporary immigration. The movement of foreign workers in search of menial and generally low paid jobs has represented the bulk of immigration, both legal and undocumented, in accurate years. The Immigration Reform and Control Act (IRCA) of 1986 was aimed primarily at discouraging the surreptitious component of this flow while compensating employers by liberalizing access to legal temporary workers. A decade later, Proposition 187, an initiative passed by the California electorate in 1994, sought to discourage undocumented immigration by barring illegal aliens from access to public services. We discuss the intent and effectiveness of these two measures in chapter 8. For the moment, it suffices to note the principal ways manual labor immigration has materialized in accurate years.

First, migrants can simply cross the border on foot or with the help of a smuggler or overstay a U.S. tourist visa. In official parlance, illegal border crossers have been labeled EWIs (entry without inspection); those who stay longer than permitted are labeled visa abusers. In 1993, the U.S. Immigration and Naturalization Service (INS) located 1.33 million deportable aliens, of which 1.29 million were EWIs. Predictably, the overwhelming majority of illegal border crossers--97 percent--were Mexicans.

A second channel of entry is to come legally by using one of the family reunification preferences of the immigration law (left untouched, for the most part, by the 1986 reform and reaffirmed by the Immigration Act of 1990). This avenue is open primarily to immigrants who have first entered the United States without legal papers or for temporary periods and who have subsequently married a U.S. citizen or legal resident. Marriage automatically entitles the immigrant to a legal entry permit; spouses of U.S. citizens are given priority because they are exempt from existing quota limits. A study of 822 legal Mexican immigrants arriving during 1973-74 found that about 70 percent of respondents had lived in the United States prior to legal entry, most for periods of six months or more. Forty-eight percent of this trial came with visas granted to spouses of U.S. citizens; another 45 percent came under the quota as spouses of U.S. legal residents. In 1987, the situation was not very different: Of the 72,351 legal Mexican immigrants arriving in that year, 50,793 (70.2 percent) were exempt from quota limits as spouses, children, or parents of U.S. citizens; an additional 16,632 (23.0 percent) came as spouses or close relatives of citizens or legal residents. By 1993, an identical 93 percent of the 69,784 legal Mexican immigrants who arrived in that year entered under family preferences or as immediate relatives of U.S. citizens. An additional 56,777 were also legalized in 1993 under IRCA's amnesty provisions, of whom 69 percent were immediate family members who entered as "legalization dependents" under a provision of the Immigration Act of 1990.

The last avenue is to come as a contract laborer. There was a provision in the 1965 immigration act for the importation of temporary foreign laborers when a supply of "willing and able" domestic workers was not available. This provision was maintained and actually liberalized by the 1986 reform. In both cases, the secretary of labor must certify that a labor shortage exists before Immigration authorizes the entry of foreign workers. Because the procedure is cumbersome, especially in the past, few employers sought labor in this manner. An exception is the sugar industry in Florida, for which "H-2" workers, as they are labeled because of their type of visa, have become the mainstay of its cane-cutting labor force. They come after a selection process in Jamaica and other West Indian countries, live in company barracks during the harvest, and return home immediately after its end. Contract workers are also found in lesser numbers throughout the Eastern Seaboard working in the fruit orchards of Georgia and the Carolinas and in the shade tobacco crop of Connecticut. During the 1970s, 1980s, and early 1990s, approximately twenty thousand H-2 workers per year have been imported, primarily from the West Indies.

The principal magnet drawing foreign manual workers to the United States is undoubtedly the level of U.S. wages relative to those left behind. At $4.25 an hour, the U.S. minimum wage is approximately six times the prevailing one in Mexico, which is, in turn, higher than most in Central America. The real wage many U.S. employers pay their foreign workers exceeds the legal minimum and is significantly higher than that available for skilled and even white-collar work in Mexico and other sending countries. This is why relatively well-educated and skilled foreigners are willing to accept these frequently harsh jobs. To them, the trek to the United States and the economic opportunities associated with it often represent the difference between stagnation or impoverishment and attainment of their life's goals.

Whatever their motivation, however, immigrants could not come if there were not a demand for their labor. That demand is strong and growing. Employers value immigrant workers' diligence, reliability, and willingness to work hard for low pay. They argue that American workers are either unavailable or unwilling to perform hard menial jobs. Garment contractors, small electronics firms, and other employers of immigrants have further argued that they would have to close their doors or move abroad if this labor supply were cut off.

This demand is fueled by the favorable position in which employers find themselves. There are no recruitment or other costs in hiring immigrant laborers because they come on their own and bear all the dangers and expenses of the journey. Until recently, there were no legal costs either because the law specifically exempted employers from any liability for hiring illegal aliens. Although the 1986 immigration reform has altered this situation, a number of loopholes still facilitate access to immigrant laborers, regardless of their legal status. In addition, the new law itself has expanded channels for the legal importation of temporary workers.

Under these conditions, it is not surprising that manual labor immigration has continued and grown from year to year. This flow does not represent an "alien invasion," as some authors have called it, because an invasion implies moving into someone else's territory against their will. In this instance, the movement is very much welcomed, if not by everyone, at least by an influential group--namely, the urban employers and rural growers who have come to rely on this source of labor. The match between the goals and aspirations of foreign workers and the interests of the firms that hire them is the key factor sustaining the movement from year to year.

A more appropriate conclusion than the "alien invasion" notion is that labor immigration occurs because there is a strong demand for it. Immigrants are regarded as superior workers for the performance of certain tasks, especially those Americans accept only unwillingly. The men and women who come under these circumstances find in the modest entry jobs available on this side of the border the means to fulfill expectations blocked in their own countries. Some do stay and attempt to carve a new life in America. Many return, however, because although U.S. wages are higher, the "yield" of these wages in terms of consumption, investments, and social status is often greater back home. Having accumulated enough savings, most immigrants seek to reestablish or gain a position of social respectability, a goal more easily accomplished in their home communities. Manual labor immigration is thus not a one-way flow away from poverty and want, but rather a two-way process fueled by the changing needs and interests of those who come and those who profit from their labor.

Professional Immigrants

A major preference category of the U.S. visa allocation system is reserved for "members of the professions of exceptional ability and their spouses and children." This category provides the main entry channel for the second type of immigrants. Unlike the first, these come legally and are not destined to the bottom layers of the American labor market. Labeled "brain drain" in the countries of origin, this flow of immigrants represents a significant gain of highly trained personnel for the United States. In 1993, 109,760 persons classified as professionals and managers arrived as permanent residents; the main contributors included mainland China (13,954), the Philippines (11,164), India (10,210), Great Britain (5,508), and Taiwan (4,708). The overall number and the principal contributors changed little during the 1980s. However, since 1992, under the new provisions of the Immigration Act of 1990, the number of these visas tripled the level that had been the annual norm for the previous twenty-five years.

Foreign professionals and technicians seldom migrate because of unemployment back home. The reason is that they not only come from the higher educational strata, but that they are probably among the best in their respective professions in order to pass difficult entry tests, such as the ECFMG examination for physicians, or to attract U.S. job offers. The gap that generally makes the difference in their decision is not the invidious income differential between prospective U.S. salaries and those at home. Instead, it is the gap between available salaries and work conditions in their own countries and those regarded there as acceptable for people with their education.

Professionals who earn enough at home to sustain a middle-class standard of living and who are reasonably satisfied about their chances for advancement seldom migrate. Those threatened with early obsolescence or who cannot make ends meet start looking for opportunities abroad. A fertile ground for this type of migration are countries in which university students are trained in advanced Western-style professional practices, but then find the prospects and means to implement their training blocked because of poor employment opportunities or lack of equipment.

Because they do not come to escape poverty, but to Excellerate their careers, immigrant professionals seldom accept menial jobs in the United States. However, they tend to enter at the bottom of their respective occupational ladders and to progress from there according to individual merit. This is why, for example, foreign doctors and nurses are so often found in public hospitals throughout the country. But in accurate years, a number of foreign professionals--primarily of Asian origin--have had to turn to other pursuits because of new entry barriers to their respective careers in the United States. Common alternatives have been small business or even the unregulated practice of their profession while awaiting better times. Despite these difficulties, these immigrants' economic success has been remarkable. For example, immigration from India during the last two decades has been heavily skewed toward university-educated professionals and technical personnel. In 1990, the median household income of Indian immigrants was $48,320--$18,000 above the median for the U.S. population and $20,000 above the figure for the foreign born, despite the fact that almost 60 percent of these immigrants had been in the United States ten years or less.

An important feature of this type of immigration is its inconspicuousness. We seldom hear reference to a Filipino or an Indian immigration "problem," although there are over one million Filipinos and over five hundred thousand Indians living in this country. The reason is that professionals and technicians, heavily represented among these nationalities, seldom form tightly knit ethnic communities. As the case of Amitar Ray and his family exemplifies, professional immigrants are among the most rapidly assimilated--first because of their occupational success and second because of the absence of strong ethnic networks that reinforce the culture of origin. However, assimilation in this case does not mean severing relations with the home country. On the contrary, because successful immigrants have the means to do so, they attempt to bridge the gap between past and present through periodic visits and cultivating family and friends left behind. During the first generation at least, a typical pattern is the attempt to juggle two different social worlds. Although this is a difficult and expensive task, many foreign professionals actually succeed in it.

Entrepreneurial Immigrants

Near downtown Los Angeles there is an area approximately a mile long where all commercial signs suddenly change from English to strange pictorial characters. Koreatown, as the area is known, contains the predictable number of ethnic restaurants and grocery shops; it also contains a number of banks, import-export houses, industries, and real estate offices. Signs of "English spoken here" assure visitors that their links with the outside world have not been totally severed. In Los Angeles, the propensity for self-employment is three times greater among Koreans than among the population as a whole. Grocery stores, restaurants, gas stations, liquor stores, and real estate offices are typical Korean businesses. They also tend to remain within the community because the more successful immigrants sell their earlier businesses to new arrivals.

A similar urban landscape is found near downtown Miami. Little Havana extends in a narrow strip for about five miles, eventually merging with the southwest suburbs of the city. Cuban-owned firms increased from 919 in 1967 to 8,000 in 1976 and approximately 28,000 in 1990. Most are small, averaging 8.1 employees at the latest count, but they also include factories employing hundreds of workers. Cuban firms are found in light and heavy manufacturing, construction, commerce, finance, and insurance. An estimated 60 percent of all residential construction in the metropolitan area is now done by these firms; gross annual receipts of Cuban manufacturing industries increased 1,067 percent during a accurate ten-year period.

These areas of concentrated immigrant entrepreneurship are known as ethnic enclaves. Their emergence has depended on three conditions: first, the presence of a number of immigrants with substantial business expertise acquired in their home countries; second, access to sources of capital; third, access to labor. The requisite labor is not too difficult to obtain because it can be initially drawn from family members and then from more accurate immigrant arrivals. Sources of capital are often not a major obstacle either, because the sums required initially are small. When immigrants do not bring them from abroad, they can accumulate them through individual savings or obtain them from pooled resources in the community. In some instances, would-be entrepreneurs have access to financial institutions owned or managed by co-nationals. Thus, the first requisite is the critical one. The presence of a number of immigrants skilled in what sociologist Franklin Frazier called "the art of buying and selling" can usually overcome other obstacles to entrepreneurship. Conversely, their absence tends to confine an immigrant group to wage work even when enough savings and labor are available.

Entrepreneurial minorities are the exception in both turn-of-the-century and contemporary immigrations. Their significance is that they create an avenue for economic mobility unavailable to other groups. This avenue is open not only to the original entrepreneurs, but to later arrivals as well. The reason is that relations between immigrant employers and their co-ethnic employees often go beyond a purely contractual bond. When immigrant enterprises expand, they tend to hire their own for supervisory positions. Today Koreans hire and promote Koreans in New York and Los Angeles, and Cubans do the same for other Cubans in Miami, just as sixty years ago the Jews of Manhattan's Lower East Side and the Japanese of San Francisco and Los Angeles hired and supported those from their own communities.

A tightly knit ethnic enclave is not, however, the only manifestation of immigrant entrepreneurship. In other cities, where the concentration of these immigrants is less dense, they tend to take over businesses catering to low-income groups, often in the inner cities. In this role as "middleman minorities," entrepreneurial immigrants are less visible because they tend to be dispersed over the area occupied by the populations they serve. Koreatown in Los Angeles is not, for example, the only manifestation of entrepreneurship among this immigrant group. Koreans are also present in significant numbers in New York City, where they have gained increasing control of the produce market, and in cities like Washington, D.C., and Baltimore, where they have progressively replaced Italians and Jews as the principal merchants in low-income inner-city areas. Similarly, roughly two-thirds of Cuban-owned firms are concentrated in Miami, but they are also numerous in other cities such as Los Angeles and Jersey City. The percentage of firms per thousand Cuban population is actually higher in these secondary concentrations than in Miami.

The rise of ethnic enclaves and middleman minorities is generally fortuitous. There are no provisions so far in the U.S. immigration law to encourage foreign businessmen to come here, except as visitors. Congress is currently considering a provision that will grant U.S. residence to a limited number of foreign capitalists who invest in sizable job-creating enterprises. However, no explicit entry preference exists for small immigrant entrepreneurs with little or no capital, and none is likely to be implemented in the future. In general, entrepreneurial minorities come under preferences designated for other purposes. Koreans and Chinese, two of the most successful business-oriented groups, have availed themselves of the employment-based preference categories for professionals and skilled workers and, subsequently, of the family reunification provisions of the 1965 and 1990 immigration laws. Cubans came as political refugees and were initially resettled in dispersed localities throughout the country. It took these refugees more than a decade after initial arrival to start regrouping in certain geographic locations and begin the push toward entrepreneurship.

Refugees and Asylees

The Refugee Act of 1980, signed into law by President Carter, aimed at eliminating the former practice of granting asylum only to escapees from Communist-controlled nations. Instead, it sought to bring U.S. policy into line with international practice, which defines as a refugee anyone with a well-founded fear of persecution or physical harm, regardless of the political bent of his or her country's regime. In practice, however, the United States during the Reagan administration continued to grant refugee status to escapees from communism, primarily from Southeast Asia and Eastern Europe, while making it difficult for others fleeing non-Communist regimes such as Guatemala and El Salvador. The granting of asylum has significant advantages over other alternatives. The central difference is that while refugees have legal status, the right to work, and can avail themselves of the welfare provisions of the 1980 act, those denied asylum have none of these privileges and, if they stay, are classified as illegal aliens.

Being a refugee is therefore not a matter of personal choice, but of governmental decision based on a combination of legal guidelines and political expediency. Depending on the relationship between the United States and the country of origin and the international context of the time, a particular flow of people may be classified as a political exodus or as an illegal group of economically motivated immigrants. Given past policy, it is thus not surprising that there are few escapees from rightist regimes living legally in the country. Major refugee groups have arrived, instead, after the Soviet army occupation of Eastern Europe, after the rise to power of Fidel Castro in Cuba, and after the takeover by Communist insurgents of three Southeast Asian countries. Ironically, after the end of the Cold War in 1989 and the collapse of the Soviet Union in 1991, the number of refugees admitted actually grew--once again due to foreign policy interests, and once again largely from the same source countries.

In 1993, a total of 127,343 refugees arrived and were admitted for legal residence in the United States. Of these, 37,604 or 30 percent came from Vietnam, Cambodia, and Laos; Cuba accounted for another 9 percent; the Soviet Union, Poland, and Romania combined represented 39 percent; and Afghanistan and Ethiopia added another 5 percent. Iran and Iraq--the only major non-Communist sources of refugee migration--accounted for 5 percent. Admissions from the Communist or former Communist world still represented about 90 percent of the total in this year.

Major refugee groups living at present in the United States thus tend to share strong anti-Communist feelings, although they are different in many other respects. Their entry into the American labor market, for example, has been heterogeneous, paralleling and even exceeding the diversity among regular immigrants. Political refugees are found today in low-paid menial work, as is the case with many Cambodians, Laotians, Afghans, Ethiopians, and 1980 Mariel Cubans. They are also found at the higher end of the labor market, in prominent and well-paid professional careers, as is often the case with Eastern Europeans and Iranians. Others have veered toward business and self-employment after giving up hopes of returning to their countries. Cubans in south Florida and increasingly the Vietnamese, concentrated in Orange and Los Angeles counties, have followed this route. Finally, there is even the option of remaining out of work, made possible by the welfare provisions of the 1980 refugee act. Asian refugees with little education and work skills are commonly found in this situation.

The official label of refugee conceals differences not only between national groups but within each of them as well. Two categories are generally found in most refugee flows. First, there is an elite of former notables who left because of ideological and political opposition to their countries' regimes. They tend to be among the earlier arrivals and usually have little difficulty validating their claim of political persecution. Second, there is a mass of individuals and families of more modest backgrounds who left at a later date because of the economic exactions and hardships imposed by the same regimes. Depending on the relationship between their home country and the United States, they can be classified as bona fide refugees or as illegal aliens. This diversity in the origins of refugees and the interaction between the earlier elite arrivals and subsequent cohorts goes a long way toward explaining each group's economic and social adaptation. We examine the particulars of each case in the following chapters.

Overview

In 1995, well over a hundred foreign countries and possessions sent immigrants to the United States. Aside from basic statistical data supplied by INS and the Census Bureau, little is yet known about most of these groups. Tracing their evolution and patterns of adaptation is a task well beyond the scope of this book. Instead, we delineate the basic contours of contemporary immigration by focusing on major aspects of the adaptation experience. The emphasis throughout is on diversity in both the immigrants' origins and their modes of incorporation into American society. The typology outlined in this chapter serves as the basic organizing framework as we follow immigrants through their location in space, their strategies for economic mobility, their efforts at learning a language and a new culture, their decision to embrace the country as naturalized citizens, and their struggle to raise their children in America and, inevitably, as Americans.

Although there are significant differences within each major type of immigration, there is reason to believe that manual labor migrants, foreign professionals, entrepreneurial groups, and refugees share a number of characteristics with others in a similar position. In other words, immigrants from different nations who enter the United States as professionals and find positions in their fields tend to have more similar adaptation experiences than those typical of immigrant laborers from their respective countries. As in all typologies, empirical reality registers exceptions and combinations. Refugees and university-trained professionals may become entrepreneurs and the latter, if unsuccessful, may turn to manual wage labor. The category of refugee is particularly problematic because, as seen previously, it is not an economic mode of incorporation but a political status, validated by an explicit decision of the U.S. government. Yet despite their internal diversity, refugees possess certain common characteristics that set them apart from other immigrants. Subsequent chapters clarify the nature of these characteristics.

A description of present-day immigration and its diversity would be incomplete if not supplemented by a discussion of what all this means for the host society. Is it good or bad for the United States that so many foreigners from so many different countries are arriving at present? Should the country move decisively to prevent or restrict at least some of these flows? Alternatively, should it continue to maintain, as in the accurate past, one of the most liberal immigration policies in the world? Our reply to these questions will be generally optimistic. Overall, immigration has been and will continue to be positive for the country both in terms of filling labor needs at different levels of the economy and, more important, injecting into society the energies, ambitions, and skills of positively selected groups. Qualifications exist, and we discuss them. But in our view, they do not detract from this general assessment.

The political debate about immigration in the United States has always been marked by vigorous calls for restriction. The most ardent advocates of this policy are often children and grandchildren of immigrants who wear their second-generation patriotism outwardly and aggressively. This position forgets that it was the labor and efforts of immigrants--often the parents and grandparents of today's restrictionists--that made much of the prosperity of the nation possible. Even the fiercest xenophobes have had a hard time arguing that turn-of-the-century groups such as Italian and Polish peasants or the much attacked Chinese and Japanese had a long-term negative effect on the country. Instead, these now successful and settled groups are presented as examples, but exception is taken to the newcomers. There is irony in the spectacle of Americans who bear clear marks of their immigrant origins being among the most vocal adversaries of continuing immigration. Consequences of heeding their advice would be serious, however. Although regulation and control of the inflow from abroad are always necessary, suppressing it would deprive the nation of what has been so far one of its main sources of energy, innovativeness, and growth.

© 1996 Regents of the University of California

University of California Press

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Thu, 24 Mar 2022 06:28:00 -0500 text/html https://www.washingtonpost.com/wp-srv/style/longterm/books/chap1/immigrantamerica.htm
Killexams : PPG Industries Stock Bottom-Priced By Portfolio Wealth Builders
Business on Wall Street in Manhattan

Pgiam/iStock via Getty Images

Investment Thesis

21st Century paces of change in technology and rational behavior (not of emotional reactions) seriously disrupts the commonly accepted productive investment strategy of the 20th century.

One required change is the shortening of forecast horizons, with a shift from the multi-year passive approach of buy&hold to the active strategy of specific price-change target achievement or time-limit actions, with reinvestment set to new nearer-term targets.

That change avoids the irretrievable loss of invested time spent destructively by failure to recognize shifting evolution like the cases of IBM, Kodak, GM, Xerox, GE and many others.

It recognizes the progress in medical, communication and information technologies and enjoys their operational benefits already present in extended lifetimes, trade-commission-free investments, and coming benefits in transportation utilization and energy usage.

But it requires the ability to make valid direct comparisons of value between investment reward prospects and risk exposures in the uncertain future. Since uncertainty expands as the future dimension increases, shorter forecast horizons are a means of improving the reward-to-risk comparison.

That shortening is now best attended at the investment entry point by knowing Market-Maker expectations for coming prices. When reached, their updates are then reintroduced at the exit/reinvestment point and the term of expectations for the required coming comparisons are recognized as the decision entry point to move forward.

The MM's constant presence, extensive global communications and human resources dedicated to monitoring industry-focused competitive evolution sharpens MM price expectations, essential to their risk-avoidance roles.

Their roles require firm capital be only temporarily risk-exposed, so are hedged by derivative-securities deals to avoid undesired price changes. The deals' prices and contracts provide a window to MM price expectations.

Information technology via the internet makes investment monitoring and management time and attention efficient despite its increase in frequency.

Once an investment choice is made and buy transaction confirmation is received, a target-price GTC sell order for the confirmed number of shares at the target price or better should be placed. Keeping trade actions entered through the internet on your lap/desk-top or cell phone should avoid trade commission charges. Your broker's internal system should keep you informed of your account's progress.

Your own private calendar record should be kept of the date 63 market days (or 91 calendar days) beyond the trade's confirmation date as a time-limit alert to check if the GTC order has not been executed. If not, then start your exit and reinvestment decision process.

The 3-months time limit is what we find to be a good choice, but may be extended some if desired. Beyond 5-6 months time investments start to work against the process and are not recommended.

For investments guided by this article or others by me target prices will always be found as the high price in the MM forecast range.

Description of Equity Subject Company

"PPG Industries, Inc. manufactures and distributes paints, coatings, and specialty materials worldwide. The company's Performance Coatings segment offers coatings, solvents, adhesives, sealants, sundries, and software for automotive and commercial transport/fleet repair and refurbishing, light industrial coatings, and specialty coatings for signs; and coatings, sealants, transparencies, transparent armor, adhesives, engineered materials, and packaging and chemical management services for commercial, military, regional jet, and general aviation aircraft. The company was incorporated in 1883 and is headquartered in Pittsburgh, Pennsylvania.."

Source: Yahoo Finance

PPG Street analyst estimates

Yahoo Finance

These growth estimates have been made by and are collected from Wall Street analysts to suggest what conventional methodology currently produces. The typical variations across forecast horizons of different time periods illustrate the difficulty of making value comparisons when the forecast horizon is not clearly defined.

Risk and Reward Balances Among NYSE:PPG Competitors

Figure 1

PPG stock hedging forecasts

blockdesk.com

The risk dimension is of real price draw-downs at their most extreme point while being held in previous pursuit of upside rewards similar to the ones currently being seen. They are measured on the red vertical scale. Reward expectations are measured on the green horizontal scale.

Both scales are of percent change from zero to 25%. Any stock or ETF whose present risk exposure exceeds its reward prospect will be above the dotted diagonal line. Capital-gain-attractive to-buy issues are in the directions down and to the right.

Our principal interest is in PPG at location [2], at the right-hand edge of the competitor crowd. A "market index" norm of reward~risk tradeoffs is offered by SPY at [1]. Most appealing by this Figure 1 view for wealth-building investors is PPG.

Comparing competitive features of Specialty Paint Providers

The Figure 1 map provides a good visual comparison of the two most important aspects of every equity investment in the short term. There are other aspects of comparison which this map sometimes does not communicate well, particularly when general market perspectives like those of SPY are involved. Where questions of "how likely' are present other comparative tables, like Figure 2, may be useful.

Yellow highlighting of the table's cells emphasize factors important to securities valuations and the security PPG of most promising of near capital gain as ranked in column [R].

Figure 2

PPG vs peers detailed comparative data

blockdesk.com

(used with permission)

Why do all this math?

Figure 2's purpose is to attempt universally comparable answers, stock by stock, of a) How BIG the prospective price gain payoff may be, b) how LIKELY the payoff will be a profitable experience, c) how SOON it may happen, and d) what price draw-down RISK may be encountered during its active holding period.

Readers familiar with our analysis methods after quick examination of Figure 2 may wish to skip to the next section viewing price range forecast trends for PPG.

Column headers for Figure 2 define investment-choice preference elements for each row stock whose symbol appears at the left in column [A]. The elements are derived or calculated separately for each stock, based on the specifics of its situation and current-day MM price-range forecasts. Data in red numerals are negative, usually undesirable to "long" holding positions. Table cells with yellow fills are of data for the stocks of principal interest and of all issues at the ranking column, [R].

The price-range forecast limits of columns [B] and [C] get defined by MM hedging actions to protect firm capital required to be put at risk of price changes from volume trade orders placed by big-$ "institutional" clients.

[E] measures potential upside risks for MM short positions created to fill such orders, and reward potentials for the buy-side positions so created. Prior forecasts like the present provide a history of relevant price draw-down risks for buyers. The most severe ones actually encountered are in [F], during holding periods in effort to reach [E] gains. Those are where buyers are emotionally most likely to accept losses.

The Range Index [G] tells where today's price lies relative to the MM community's forecast of upper and lower limits of coming prices. Its numeric is the percentage proportion of the full low to high forecast seen below the current market price.

[H] tells what proportion of the [L] trial of prior like-balance forecasts have earned gains by either having price reach its [B] target or be above its [D] entry cost at the end of a 3-month max-patience holding period limit. [ I ] gives the net gains-losses of those [L] experiences.

What makes PPG most attractive in the group at this point in time is its ability to produce capital gains most consistently at its present operating balance between share price risk and reward at the Range Index [G]. At a RI of 1, today's price is at the bottom of its forecast range, with all price expectations only to the upside. Not our expectations, but those of Market-Makers acting in transaction support of Institutional Investment organizations building the values of their typical multi-billion-$ portfolios. Credibility of the [E] upside prospect as evidenced in the [I] payoff at +18% is shown in [N].

Further Reward~Risk tradeoffs involve using the [H] odds for gains with the 100 - H loss odds as weights for N-conditioned [E] and for [F], for a combined-return score [Q]. The typical position holding period [J] on [Q] provides a figure of merit [fom] ranking measure [R] useful in portfolio position preferences. Figure 2 is row-ranked on [R] among alternative candidate securities, with PPG in top rank.

Along with the candidate-specific stocks these selection considerations are provided for the averages of some 3,000 stocks for which MM price-range forecasts are available today, and 20 of the best-ranked (by fom) of those forecasts, as well as the forecast for S&P500 Index ETF (SPY) as an equity-market proxy.

Current-market index SPY is not competitive as an investment alternative. Its Range Index of 26 indicates 3/4ths of its forecast range is to the upside, but little more than half of previous SPY forecasts at this range index produced profitable outcomes.

As shown in column [T] of figure 2, those levels vary significantly between stocks. What matters is the net gain between investment gains and losses actually achieved following the forecasts, shown in column [I]. The Win Odds of [H] tells what proportion of the trial RIs of each stock were profitable. Odds below 80% often have proven to lack reliability.

Recent Forecast Trends of the Primary Subject

Figure 3

PPG daily hedging forecasts trend

blockdesk.com

(used with permission)

Many investors confuse any time-repeating picture of stock prices with typical "technical analysis charts" of past stock price history. These are quite different in their content. Instead, here Figure 3's vertical lines are a daily-updated visual record of price range forecast limits expected in the coming few weeks and months. The heavy dot in each vertical is the stock's closing price on the day the forecast was made.

That market price point makes an explicit definition of the price reward and risk exposure expectations which were held by market participants at the time, with a visual display of their vertical balance between risk and reward.

The measure of that balance is the Range Index (RI).

With today's RI there is 18% upside price change in prospect. Of the prior 43 forecasts like today's RI, 40 have been profitable. The market's actions of prior forecasts became accomplishments of +11% gains in 47 market days.. So history's advantage could be repeated five times or more in a 252 market-day year, which compounds into a CAGR of +72%.

Also please note the smaller low picture in Figure 3. It shows the past 5 year distribution of Range Indexes with the current level visually marked. For PPG nearly all accurate past forecasts have been of higher prices and Range Indexes.

Conclusion

Based on direct comparisons with SHW and other Paint producers, there are strong wealth-building reasons to prefer a capital-gain seeking buy in PPG Industries, Inc. (PPG) over other examined alternatives.

Tue, 05 Jul 2022 05:16:00 -0500 en text/html https://seekingalpha.com/article/4521814-ppg-industries-stock-bottom-priced-portfolio-wealth-builders
Killexams : Startups News No result found, try new keyword!Showcase your company news with guaranteed exposure both in print and online Ready to embrace the fast-paced future we’re all experiencing? Join us for tech… Outstanding Women in Business are ... Sun, 07 Aug 2022 12:41:00 -0500 text/html https://www.bizjournals.com/news/technology/startups Killexams : Earnings and economic data to expect out next week

Yahoo Finance Live's Seana Smith looks ahead to which corporate earnings reports and economic data are expected out next week.

Video Transcript

SEANA SMITH: All right, well, we are capping off a very busy week on Wall Street. And next week, it's set to get even busier, as earnings season heats up on Monday. Bank earnings continue with Bank of America and Goldman Sachs ahead of the open. And after the close, we'll get IBM. Tuesday, we get housing starts and building permits and earnings from Johnson & Johnson.

Wednesday, we've got existing home sales, plus results from Tesla and America-- and United Airlines, excuse me. We also get jobless claims and Philly Fed data on Thursday, earnings from American Airlines, AT&T, Travelers, Snap, and Mattel, rounding it out on Friday with American Express and Verizon. We've heard from a number of our market guests over the last several weeks that this earnings season is critically important. So certainly something to watch here, as we try to gauge what next week's moves are going to look like.

Fri, 15 Jul 2022 09:05:00 -0500 en-US text/html https://finance.yahoo.com/video/earnings-economic-data-expect-next-205558912.html
Killexams : Radware Ltd.: Best Near-Term InfoTech Stock Buy Now
Business on Wall Street in Manhattan

Pgiam/iStock via Getty Images

Investment Thesis

Careful comparisons urge a buy of Radware Ltd. (NASDAQ:RDWR).

21st Century paces of change in technology and rational behavior (not of emotional reactions) seriously disrupt accepted productive investment strategy of the 20th century.

One required change is the shortening of forecast horizons, with a shift from the multi-year passive approach of buy&hold to the active strategy of specific price-change target achievement or time-limit actions, with reinvestment set to new nearer-term targets.

That change avoids the irretrievable loss of invested time spent destructively by failure to recognize shifting evolutions like the cases of IBM, Kodak, GM, Xerox, GE, and many others.

It recognizes the evolutions in medical, communication, and information technologies and enjoys their operational benefits already present in extended lifetimes, trade-commission-free investments, and coming in transportation ownership and energy usage.

But it requires the ability to make valid direct comparisons of value between investment reward prospects and risk exposures in the uncertain future. Since uncertainty expands as the future dimension increases, shorter forecast horizons are a means of improving the reward-to-risk comparison.

That shortening is now best attended at the investment entry point with Market-Maker expectations for coming prices. When reached, they are then reintroduced at the exit/reinvestment point as the term of expectations for the required coming comparisons as decisions step in to move forward.

The MM's constant presence, extensive global communications, and human resources dedicated to monitoring industry-focused competitive evolution sharpen MM price expectations, essential to their risk-avoidance roles.

Their roles requiring firm capital be only temporarily risk-exposed are hedged by derivative-securities deals to avoid undesired price changes. The deals' prices and contracts provide a window of sorts to MM price expectations.

Information technology via the Internet makes investment monitoring and management time and attention efficient despite its increase in frequency.

Once an investment choice is made and buy transaction confirmation is received, the target-price GTC sell order for the confirmed number of shares at the target price or better should be placed. Keeping trade actions entered through the Internet on your lap/desk-top or cell phone should avoid trade commission charges. Your broker's internal system should keep you informed of your account's progress.

Your own private calendar record should be kept of the date 63 market days (or 91 calendar days) beyond the trade's confirmation date as a time-limit alert to check if the GTC order has not been executed. If not, then start your exit and reinvestment decision process.

The 3 months' time limit is what we find to be a good choice, but may be extended some if desired. Beyond 5-6 months, time investments start to work against the process and are not recommended.

For investments guided by this article or others by me target prices will always be found as the high price in the MM forecast range.

Description of Equity Subject Company

"Radware Ltd., together with its subsidiaries, develops, manufactures, and markets cyber security and application delivery solutions for applications in cloud, physical, and software-defined data centers worldwide. The company sells its products primarily to independent distributors, including value-added resellers, original equipment manufacturers, and system integrators. Radware Ltd. was founded in 1996 and is headquartered in Tel Aviv, Israel."

Source: Yahoo Finance

Radware analyst estimates

Yahoo Finance

These growth estimates have been made by and are collected from Wall Street analysts to suggest what conventional methodology currently produces. The typical variations across forecast horizons of different time periods illustrate the difficulty of making value comparisons when the forecast horizon is not clearly defined.

Risk and Reward Balances Among RDWR Competitors

Figure 1

Risk and Reward Balances Among RDWR Competitors

blockdesk.com

(used with permission)

The risk dimension is of real price drawdowns at their most extreme point while being held in previous pursuit of upside rewards similar to the ones currently being seen. They are measured on the red vertical scale. Reward expectations are measured on the green horizontal scale.

Both scales are of percent change from zero to 25%. Any stock or ETF whose present risk exposure exceeds its reward prospect will be above the dotted diagonal line. Capital-gain-attractive to-buy issues are in the directions down and to the right.

Our principal interest is in RDWR at location [6], just above the green area marking reward to risk trade-offs at a 5 to 1 ratio. A "market index" norm of reward~risk tradeoffs is offered by SPY at [3]. Most appealing by this Figure 1 view for wealth-building investors is RDWR.

Comparing Competitive Features of Info-Technology Providers

The Figure 1 map provides a good visual comparison of the two most important aspects of every equity investment in the short term. There are other aspects of comparison which this map sometimes does not communicate well, particularly when general market perspectives like those of SPY are involved. Where questions of "how likely' are present other comparative tables, like Figure 2, may be useful.

Yellow highlighting of the table's cells emphasize factors important to securities valuations and the security RDWR of most promising of near capital gain as ranked in column [R].

Figure 2

Risk and Reward Balances Among RDWR Competitors

blockdesk.com

(used with permission)

Why Do All This Math?

Figure 2's purpose is to attempt universally comparable answers, stock by stock, of a) How BIG the prospective price gain payoff may be, b) how LIKELY the payoff will be a profitable experience, c) how SOON it may happen, and d) what price drawdown RISK may be encountered during its active holding period.

Readers familiar with our analysis methods after quick examination of Figure 2 may wish to skip to the next section viewing price range forecast trends for RDWR.

Column headers for Figure 2 define investment-choice preference elements for each row stock whose symbol appears at the left in column [A]. The elements are derived or calculated separately for each stock, based on the specifics of its situation and current-day MM price-range forecasts. Data in red numerals are negative, usually undesirable to "long" holding positions. Table cells with yellow fills are of data for the stocks of principal interest and of all issues at the ranking column, [R]. Fills of pink warn of conditions nor constructive to buys.

The price-range forecast limits of columns [B] and [C] get defined by MM hedging actions to protect firm capital required to be put at risk of price changes from volume trade orders placed by big-$ "institutional" clients.

[E] measures potential upside risks for MM short positions created to fill such orders, and reward potentials for the buy-side positions so created. Prior forecasts like the present provide a history of relevant price draw-down risks for buyers. The most severe ones actually encountered are in [F], during holding periods in effort to reach [E] gains. Those are where buyers are emotionally most likely to accept losses.

The Range Index [G] tells where today's price lies relative to the MM community's forecast of upper and lower limits of coming prices. Its numeric is the percentage proportion of the full low to high forecast seen below the current market price.

[H] tells what proportion of the [L] trial of prior like-balance forecasts have earned gains by either having price reach its [B] target or be above its [D] entry cost at the end of a 3-month max-patience holding period limit. [ I ] gives the net gains-losses of those [L] experiences.

What makes RDWR most attractive in the group at this point in time is its ability to produce capital gains most consistently at its present operating balance between share price risk and reward at the Range Index [G]. At a RI of 1, today's price is at the bottom of its forecast range, with all price expectations only to the upside. Not our expectations, but those of Market-Makers acting in support of Institutional Investment organizations build the values of their typical multi-billion-$ portfolios. Credibility of the [E] upside prospect as evidenced in the [I] payoff at +18% is shown in [N].

Further Reward~Risk tradeoffs involve using the [H] odds for gains with the 100 - H loss odds as weights for N-conditioned [E] and for [F], for a combined-return score [Q]. The typical position holding period [J] on [Q] provides a figure of merit [fom] ranking measure [R] useful in portfolio position preferencing. Figure 2 is row-ranked on [R] among alternative candidate securities, with PPG in top rank.

Along with the candidate-specific stocks, these selection considerations are provided for the averages of some 3,000 stocks for which MM price-range forecasts are available today, and 20 of the best-ranked (by fom) of those forecasts, as well as the forecast for S&P500 Index ETF (SPY) as an equity-market proxy.

Current-market index SPY is not competitive as an investment alternative. Its Range Index of 26 indicates 3/4ths of its forecast range is to the upside, but little more than half of previous SPY forecasts at this range index produced profitable outcomes.

As shown in column [T] of figure 2, those levels vary significantly between stocks. What matters is the net gain between investment gains and losses actually achieved following the forecasts, shown in column [I]. The Win Odds of [H] tells what proportion of the trial RIs of each stock were profitable. Odds below 80% often have proven to lack reliability.

Recent Forecast Trends of the Primary Subject

Figure 3

RDWR stock forecast

blockdesk.com

RDWR has declined in price to a point where hedging actions show that coming-price expectations resist further declines, with Range Index value of only 6% above the MM community's low and 94% of the range to the upside.

Past experiences at this level have produced profitable position outcomes in 10 out of every 11 opportunities, winners 91% of the time. The small image showing the frequency of RIs makes it clear that the bulk of the past 5 years of daily forecasts have been at higher price and price expectation levels.

Current comparison with other Leveraged ETFs ranks RDWR at the top of the list of such alternative investment prospect candidates.

Conclusion

Radware Ltd. Currently appears the best Information Technology competitor choice of investors desiring near-term capital gain wealth-builders.

Sat, 09 Jul 2022 06:06:00 -0500 en text/html https://seekingalpha.com/article/4522535-radware-rdwr-best-near-term-infotech-stock-buy-now
Killexams : Computer Science

Computer Science at Bristol

At Bristol, you will be taught by internationally renowned experts with a passion for computer science. You can study courses such as high-performance computing, machine learning, cryptology and artificial intelligence. You will also develop skills in software development and system design, and gain important transferable skills in teamwork, communication and enterprise.

We work closely with industry, enabling you to gain knowledge from leading companies, work with industrial mentors and spend time with them on internships. The department awards several industry-sponsored prizes to exceptional students. Each year several client-led products are developed and released by computer science students.

You will develop your analytical skills and get experience devising practical solutions for real-world challenges during a range of individual and group projects that you will co-create with leading academics.

Our teaching facilities include a new collaborative lab, designed for flexibility and usability and equipped with state-of-the-art audiovisual technology and Linux machines. It's a brilliant addition to our modern building, which also houses the popular Hackspace – a creative space for hacking, making and crafting – and a large atrium that's a hive of activity.

The faculty's Industrial Liaison Office matches every student with an industrial mentor and assists with internships and industry placements.

On my course there are a few special moments where something really clicks and suddenly I feel like I'm completely in my element. I love being in this city. Different parts have very different vibes but all within walking distance – it makes it feel more like a home.

Catt, BSc Mathematics and Computer Science

Career prospects

Four people are sat around a laptop having a discussion in a teaching room.

There is strong and growing demand for computer science skills. Our courses provide a balance between leading-edge courses and technical and transferable skills such as teamwork, communication and entrepreneurship. This means Bristol graduates have a wide range of career opportunities and a high earning potential.

Typical career routes include:

  • Software, products and services
  • IT and commerce
  • Media
  • Startups
  • Postgraduate study.

Find out more about these career routes.

15 months after graduating, 95% of BSc Computer Science students were in work or further study, and 100% of those working were in highly skilled jobs. The average salary after 15 months for Bristol computer science graduates is £32,000, which is £6,000 more than the UK average (Graduate Outcomes survey, 2017/18 graduates).

Our graduates are highly regarded by employers such as Apple, Google, Microsoft, IBM, Hewlett Packard, Logica and Cisco.

What our students do after graduating

Course structure

A student wears a virtual reality headset

Our degrees first teach the core concepts underpinning computer science before allowing you to choose from a wide range of advanced computer science topics.

In year one, you will study the fundamental core skills and knowledge underpinning computer science: all three major programming paradigms; algorithmics; the mathematics integral to computer science; computer architecture; and software tools.

You will gain experience of implementing these techniques in supervised practical classes and individual assignments, solving problems using a variety of programming languages. This will quickly build up your analytic and programming abilities, enabling you to adapt easily to new programming languages and paradigms.

In year two, you will take classes introducing major areas within computer science, including theoretical and data-driven computer science and the relationship between computer science and society.

You will also gain experience working on a practical project in collaboration with a real-world client such as Hewlett Packard or the Environment Agency, before specialising in areas of computing that are of interest to you for the rest of your degree.

Bristol, tech city

Red lights in the evening at We the Curious in Millennium Square, Bristol.

Bristol is a UK 'top digitech city' (TechNation 2018) and the University is part of SETsquared, the 'world's best university business incubator' (UBI Global, 2017–19).

A concentration of high-technology industries in and around Bristol offers unparalleled opportunities before and after graduation, such as scholarships, summer placements, industrial seminars and exclusive employment opportunities.

We keep our courses relevant thanks to our strong links with local employers working in software development, animation, microelectronics, games and communications, as well as other industries with significant computer users such as financial services.

Computer Science courses for 2023

Single Honours

Joint Honours

Computer science continues to revolutionise our society. Our department's mission is to better understand and drive this forward through excellence in research and education.

Computer science is subject that combines fascinating intellectual challenges with practical problem-solving skills that are in demand. Studying computing at Bristol gives you the skills and knowledge to be an influential part of the future.

Why study Computer Science at Bristol?

At Bristol you will learn from staff at the forefront of research. You will work on real-world projects, with industry mentors, in a department that emphasises theoretical rigour, practical application and innovation.

Our degrees provide you with a thorough understanding of the fundamentals of computer science and their application.

Choice and discovery underpin our courses. You design your degree from a diverse and evolving set of optional units after completing a set of core units in early years.

Project work is central; you will work in teams on real-world applications, focusing on your individual project in your final year. We work closely with industry, enabling you to gain knowledge from leading companies, work with industrial mentors and spend time with them on internships.

We value enterprise and creativity and we provide you opportunities to excel in a range of areas, from social enterprise projects to starting your own business. The department awards several industry-sponsored prizes each year to exceptional students. Each year several real-world, client-led products are developed and released by computer science students.

What kind of student would this course suit?

Our degree programmes are especially suited to creative and mathematical students with a strong interest in working in a fast moving, demanding and rewarding profession. You will have problem-solving skills and will enjoy learning the detail of how things work, as well as the innovation required to make them better. You will be hard working, enjoy a challenge and desire a varied degree with direct relevance to many areas of society.

How is this course taught and assessed?

Our teaching methods include lectures, tutorials, laboratory classes, group work and online resources. Independent study is also expected, combining lecture notes with textbooks and other materials. You will be allocated a personal tutor who will support your progress and provide you advice throughout your degree. Assessment is by exams, coursework and project work throughout each academic year.

What are my career prospects?

Computing provides a route into many different career paths, giving our graduates a wide range of options for the kind of work they go on to do. Our courses provide a balance between leading-edge courses and technical and transferable skills, such as teamwork, communication and entrepreneurship.

Many of our students apply their knowledge by starting their own businesses supported by the department. Our graduates are highly regarded by employers such as Apple, Google, Microsoft, IBM, Hewlett Packard, Logica and Cisco.

Find out more about what our students do after graduating.

Sun, 06 Mar 2022 19:55:00 -0600 en text/html https://bristol.ac.uk/study/undergraduate/2023/computer-science/
Killexams : Climate and Environment

The climate change and prescription drug law has revived a set of party goals that were widely thought to be dead.

By Michael Barbaro, Eric Krupke, Will Reid, Nina Feldman, Mooj Zadie, Rachelle Bonja, Rachel Quester, Marion Lozano, Brad Fisher and Chris Wood

Thu, 04 Aug 2022 19:14:00 -0500 en text/html https://www.nytimes.com/section/climate
Killexams : HYDRASPUN® Reserve nonwoven offers exceptional dispersibility without the heavy weight

Suominen Oyj

Suominen Corporation's press release on June 29, 2022 at 4.30 p.m. (EEST)

Suominen launches HYDRASPUN® Reserve to its industry leading moist toilet tissue nonwoven portfolio. HYDRASPUN® Reserve successfully delivers exceptional dispersibility with a lower basis weight nonwoven, passing the standards of International Water Services Flushability Group (IWSFG) and INDA/EDANA (GD4).

Composed of 100% sustainable cellulosic fibers, HYDRASPUN® Reserve completely breaks down in sewer systems.

“We listened to our converting partners’ request to develop lower basis weight moist toilet tissue nonwovens with best in class dispersibility. HYDRASPUN® Reserve clearly delivers and we are excited to raise the bar with our latest enhancements to our moist toilet tissue nonwoven portfolio”, says Andrew Charleston, Category Manager, Americas.

For more information, please contact:
Andrew Charleston, Manager, Category Management, Americas
tel. +1 (860) 373 2619 
andrew.charleston@suominencorp.com

Wed, 29 Jun 2022 02:11:00 -0500 en-GB text/html https://uk.finance.yahoo.com/news/hydraspun-nonwoven-offers-exceptional-dispersibility-133000025.html
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