With CSA certificate, tech pioneer pushes to apply for EU sales license
Tinavi Medical Technologies Co Ltd, a Chinese pioneer in medical robots, is applying for the CE marking in Europe as part of its broader push to break into overseas markets.
The CE marking is an abbreviation of the French phrase "Conformite Europeenne", which translates as "European Conformity". It is a conformity mark used to monitor and regulate goods sold within the European Union.
Ma Min, president of Tinavi, said: "We are in the middle and late stages of applying for the CE marking, and we hope to get approved for the EU sales license in the near future."
The move marks big progress for Tinavi, which has brought China's first homegrown orthopedic surgical robot to the market. By the end of last year, the company's orthopedic surgical robots had been used in more than 20,000 orthopedic surgeries in China.
In December, Tinavi's TiRobot II, a robotics-guided orthopedic surgical system, obtained the Canadian Standards Association (CSA) certificate, which the company said made it the first orthopedic surgical robot from China with technology qualified for entry into the North American market.
The CSA is a not-for-profit membership-based association headquartered in Toronto. It develops consensus standards to help protect the health and safety of Canadians and is also recognized around the world.
The robotics-guided orthopedic surgical system is applied in trauma surgery on the cervical spine, thorax, lumbar area, sacrum, pelvis and limbs. It was certified under the latest industry standards, including product safety regulations, medical software, availability and specialized robot performance standards, the company said.
"The surgical robot's complexity is an aggregation of many modern high-tech elements," said Ge Yanqing, vice-president of the Canadian Standards Association Group. "The surgical robot is more technologically sophisticated and precise, with higher added value, than other robots. In China, surgical robots have been applied to orthopedics, neurosurgery, cardiology, gynecology and other operations."
Xu Jin, CEO of Tinavi, said it is well known that medical standards and requirements in North America are among the strictest in the world. "Therefore, the CSA Group certificate is a recognition of the company's techniques and quality, and may pave the way for Tinavi to obtain necessary approvals to enter the international market," Xu said.
Huang Junhui, secretary of the board of directors at Tinavi, said the CSA certification is equivalent to a prerequisite for applying to the United States Food and Drug Administration (FDA).
"The CSA is a certification body recognized by the FDA. After this certification, we have the qualifications to apply to the FDA."
Tinavi, founded in 2006, holds over 100 patents, the company said. It was listed on the Science and Technology Innovation Board of the Shanghai Stock Exchange in July 2020 and became the first listed medical robot enterprise in China, raising about 448 million yuan ($61.8 million).
This year, a new integrated surgical treatment called Viper Prime& TiRobot was launched in the market. This new product was jointly developed by US healthcare giant Johnson & Johnson and Tinavi, and it has integrated TiRobot and Viper Prime, an advanced, minimally invasive implant system of Johnson & Johnson. The companies said it provides surgeons with efficient and intelligent services and will benefit more patients with spinal problems.
The move marked the latest step in cooperation between Johnson &Johnson and Tinavi. In October 2019, the two sides signed an agreement on business and research cooperation.
Tian Wei, an academician at the Chinese Academy of Sciences, said traditional bone surgeries typically demand a high degree of steady surgical experience, as well as high precision and a clear view of the injuries. In such cases, the need for deep incisions and exposure to multiple X-rays may elevate medical risks.
Robots can apply minimally invasive orthopedic solutions to these difficulties, Tian said.
Tian conducted the world's first robot-assisted surgery on the upper cervical vertebrae in 2015 by using Tinavi's robots. Back then, Tian was the president of Beijing Jishuitan Hospital.
He said, it is notable that midsized hospitals in China are more eager to buy orthopedic surgery robots than large hospitals.
"In the past, midsized hospitals did not dare to perform very sophisticated operations, and they would recommend patients to transfer to larger hospitals. But now, surgical robots can provide a great deal of assistance in carrying out such surgeries," Tian said.
George Mason University hosted a dedication ceremony for a preserved Civil War Redoubt on Oct. 7.
The ceremony honored the partnership between George Mason and Bull Run Civil War Round Table, and the group’s preservation efforts over the course of the six-year project.
In his opening remarks, Senator Chap Peterson discussed the importance of the ceremony and preserving historic sites like the redoubt.
“The history of the civil war is this history of America at large, the good, the bad, the ugly. And making sure we remember the civil war and recognize it and honor it, is so important to our identity as Americans,” said Peterson. “The civil war had an enormous impact on this community, whether it was the folks that fought for the south, the folks that fought for the north, or the folks that found their freedom. It impacted everybody.”
James Lewis and Brian McEnany of the Bull Run Civil War Round Table went into further detail on the history and significance of the redoubt.
The redoubt, which is a circular earthen fortification, was first constructed by the 5th Alabama Volunteer Infantry under the command of Col. Robert Rodes in June 1861. The site was used and occupied by both Union and Confederate forces throughout the Civil War.
In addition to explaining the history of the site, the history of the project was also explained by Dr. Brian Platt of GMU’s History Department.
According to Platt the project began six years ago when members of the Round Table came to his office to inform him that an important civil war site was located on GMU property.
“This project is primarily the fruit of their initiative and expertise and advocacy,” said Platt.
Blake Meyers of the round table added the project would not have been possible without help from Mason’s administration, ground and facilities management, and the history department.
“Education and preservation are two of the core missions of the round table, it’s essential to our purpose which is to learn about and learn from America’s civil war history,” said Meyers
Following meetings and initial clearings of overgrown vegetation at the site round table members began taking students from Mason’s Civil War history classes out to visit the site.
“These classes began attracting students from across the university, beyond the department of history as well as members of other university departments,” said Meyers.
In 2019 it was determined the site was eligible for listing on the Virginia Landmarks Register and the National Register of Historic Places.
As interest in the site grew, preservation efforts increased, leading to the implementation of signs and trails around the site and the removal of trees that were threatening the structural integrity of the site.
“For the first time in about 75 years the redoubt was completely visible,” said Meyers.
The ceremony concluded with a tour of the redoubt and expressions of hope that the community would enjoy the redoubt and continue to learn more about its history.
(Tribune News Service) — For the past century, a row of military graves in Tacoma's Oakwood Hill Cemetery has been conspicuously gap toothed. Only a patch of grass has marked the final resting place of David Franklin, Tacoma's only Black naval Civil War veteran.
That changes Saturday when a years-long effort spearheaded by a Civil War historian will finally bring Franklin the white marble tombstone that was forgotten in 1920.
Tumwater-based historian Loran Bures' quest to get Franklin his headstone began in 2017 when he was researching Pierce County's Civil War veterans. He found documents listing Franklin and his burial at Oakwood Hill but when he visited the cemetery he couldn't find his grave.
Using cemetery records, Bures discovered the gap in the neat row of military burials was Franklin's unmarked grave. That's when he set out to learn who Franklin was and right a wrong.
"As any veteran of the United States they should receive their proper burial honors," Bures said. "That's what were trying to rectify after 102 years."
Franklin and the battle for Wilson's Wharf
Little is known about Franklin's early life except that he was born free in New York City in 1840. He enlisted in the Union Navy on Nov. 13, 1863, when he was 23.
The young seaman was assigned to the Union Navy's USS Dawn, a gunboat, as the officers' steward and cook.
According to Cynthia Wilson, a Seattle-based historian who researches Black Civil War veterans, the 154-foot-long steamer Dawn averaged 65 crew and three officers. Approximately 17 percent of the crew were Black.
The ship was part of the North Atlantic Blockading Squadron and, while Franklin served on it, it spent most of its time on the James River in Virginia.
While on the Dawn, Franklin would have taken part in one of the most significant battles in Black Civil War history, according to historians — The Battle of Wilson's Wharf.
On May 24, 1864, about 2,500 Confederate troops attacked the Union supply depot at Wilson's Wharf, Virginia. They were repulsed by two Black regiments totaling 1,100 men, with help from the USS Dawn's guns.
The battle showed that a smaller force of Black soldiers and sailors could defeat a larger, white force.
"It was a loss for the Confederacy with minimal deaths to the African American soldiers (40) but the Confederacy lost 200 men," Franklin said.
"It was a turning point in Black history," Bures said.
Coming to Tacoma
Franklin was discharged on March 31, 1865, Wilson learned from documents provided by the National Archives. A few days later, Confederate general Robert E. Lee surrendered to Union general Ulysses S. Grant at Appomattox, Va.
Where Franklin went after the war has been lost to history. But he first appears in Tacoma as a member of a veterans group, the Grand Army of the Republic (GAR), in 1888. An 1899 Tacoma city directory lists him as a broiler at the Donnelly Cafe. The cafe was attached to the Hotel Donnelly.
Tacoma was a boom town in the late 1800s and early 1900s. Franklin would have witnessed Washington achieving statehood in 1889 and lived through the Spanish flu pandemic of 1918.
In 1906, records show Franklin enlisted in the hospital corps of the 2nd regiment of the Washington National Guard infantry. He was listed as a cook.
"We know nothing else about it except that," Bures said. "It's amazing that at 65 years old he's enlisting in the National Guard."
According to census records, Franklin died March 16, 1920, at age 79 in his home on South 4th Street.
Franklin's death certificate says he was a widower but Bures hasn't been able to find any records confirming that Franklin had a wife or children. He's still looking for family members. A flag flown over the U.S. Capitol Building on Sept. 2 in honor of Franklin will be presented to a family member if one is found.
Bures' discovery of Franklin came when he attempted to locate the graves and final resting spots of every Union Civil War veteran in Pierce County.
"It's important for history and genealogy," Bures said.
He was aided by a 1939 survey conducted by the Works Progress Administration (WPA), a Depression-era New Deal agency aimed at employing people for government projects. WPA workers created biographical cards for all war veterans in Pierce County.
The original cards are stored in the Northwest Room at the Tacoma Public Library. About 75% of the 2,000 cards at the library are Civil War vets, Bures said.
During Bures' research, Franklin's card stood out.
"What's interesting about it is what's not there," Bures said. It didn't show how or where he served.
It wasn't until Bures found Franklin's death certificate that he learned the veteran was Black. Further digging in a National Park Service database revealed Franklin had served on the Dawn.
Then earlier this year, Bures went looking for Franklin's grave at Oakwood Hill.
"We went out in the cemetery and found it was unmarked," Bures said.
Righting a wrong
The GAR was the nation's first veteran's organization. It was dissolved after its last member died in the 1950s. Bures belongs to Sons of Union Veterans of the Civil War, the successor of the GAR.
Bures worked with Oakwood Hills owner Corey Gaffney to confirm that Franklin was buried in the cemetery and was missing his tombstone.
The Sons of Union Veterans of the Civil War is considered by the Veterans Administration to be Franklin's legal next of kin and therefore Bures was able to apply for the grave marker. The VA provided the marker, cut from the same Vermont quarry in use a century ago, at no cost.
Gaffney is donating his cemetery's resources to ensure Franklin gets the respect he deserves.
"If you're in the funeral business, you're almost by default a historian," Gaffney said, "This is just me doing my very small part to make sure that Mr. Franklin gets what he's had coming to him."
The redress is personal for Bures. His great-great grandfather, another Civil War veteran, is interred just steps away from Franklin's grave. Both men were members of the Custer Post of the GAR and might have known each other.
Earlier this week, Franklin's tombstone was lying on its back in a cemetery building, waiting for its installation.
In the military section where it will be installed, years of neglect have turned the tombstones a dark gray. Rosettes of orange lichen grow in blotches on the marble.
Gaffney, who bought the cemetery in 2021 with his wife, said he has a VA-approved cleaning solution that will restore the darkened stones to their original white color.
Until then, Franklin's gravestone will be the brightest spot in Oakwood Hill Cemetery.
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The first week of testimony and cross-examination in the seditious conspiracy trial of Oath Keepers militia leader Stewart Rhodes and four associates who joined him at the Jan. 6, 2021, rally hours before the riot at the U.S. Capitol included vastly different depictions of the threat the defendants posed that day.
Prosecutors have presented public declarations by Rhodes and a close adviser as well as dozens of text messages, some sent via encrypted websites, to justify the charge of seditious conspiracy, which the criminal code defines as two or more people conspiring “to overthrow, put down, or to destroy by force the government of the United States, or levy war against them.”
Lawyers for the defendants have sought to raise questions about how aggressive the Oath Keepers' plans and actions on Jan. 6 really turned out to be, and have elicited testimony from at least one Oath Keeper who described his lack of interest in partaking in violence at the Capitol.
Prosecutors called jurors’ attention to a lengthy diatribe posted by Rhodes and his close associate Kelly SoRelle on the Oath Keepers website in December 2020. In it, the defendants encouraged supporters to take up arms to keep then-President Donald Trump in office and to block the certification of the Electoral College vote confirming Joe Biden’s victory over him.
“Show the world who the traitors are and then use the Insurrection Act to drop the hammer on them,” Rhodes told a Dec. 12 pro-Trump rally in Washington. Trump “needs to know from now you are with him. If he does not do it now while he is commander in chief, we are going to have to do it for him, in a much more desperate, much more bloody war. Let’s get it on now.”
In a Dec. 18, 2020, internet posting, Rhodes and SoRelle wrote, “We now face a moment of peril as great, or greater, as what General Washington and his men faced in 1776,” words that prosecutors depicted as an incitement to their followers.
“This is your moment of destiny. Will you take your place in history as the savior of our Republic, right up there with President Washington and Lincoln? Or will you fail to act, while you still can, and leave office on January 20, 2021, leaving We the People to fight a desperate revolution/civil war against an illegitimate usurper and his Chicom [Chinese Communist Party] puppet regime,” the letter continued.
Private, and sometimes encoded, pre-riot message traffic exchanged among Rhodes and his supporters was less formal and more openly aggressive, the prosecution told the jury.
As early as Nov. 5, 2020, two days after the election, Rhodes texted an Oath Keepers group, "We aren't getting through this without a civil war. Too late for that. Prepare your mind, body, spirit."
On Dec. 14, Rhodes told a Georgia Oath Keepers online chat group, “If [Trump} doesn’t use the Insurrection Act to keep a Chicom puppet out of the White House, then we will have to fight a bloody revolution/civil war to defeat the traitors.” Rhodes then went on to cite the case of Samuel Whittemore, a Massachusetts resident who started fighting the American Revolution at age 78. “He was an example of a Dangerous old man ... May there be a thousand Samuel Whittemores, and a Thousand Bunker Hills.”
The next day Rhodes declared to the chat group, “Defy. Nullify. Interpose and defend others and each other.”
“I am sure with all the firepower in our group we have enough to overthrow a small third world country,” one of his followers wrote in response.
In opening arguments, Rhodes’s lawyer Phillip Linder told the jury that while they might not like “some of the things you see defendants did,” by the same token, “defendants did nothing illegal that day. ... What the government is trying to tell us is completely wrong.”
In late December 2020, according to evidence cited by prosecutors, Oath Keepers representatives were in contact with representatives of the Proud Boys, two of whose leaders have pleaded guilty to seditious conspiracy charges, and the Three Percenters, another far-right militia group whose members participated in the Jan. 6 riot.
In a Dec. 22 message, defendant Kelly Meggs said the Oath Keepers planned to have "at least 50-100" members in Washington for Jan. 5 and 6, adding that his group had made contact with representatives of the Proud Boys, who “always have a big group” and could be a “force multiplier.”
On Dec. 29, Brian Ulrich, an Oath Keeper who pleaded guilty to seditious conspiracy charges (as did two other members of the group) and is now cooperating with prosecutors, sent a message advising that some Proud Boys heading for D.C. would be “dressed in their colors” but will “look like Antifa.” That same day, according to prosecutors, defendant Thomas Caldwell sent a message to a member of the Three Percenters expressing an interest in meeting group members.
In the days before the riot, Caldwell messaged others that the Oath Keepers had organized a well-armed “Quick Reaction Force,” but would need one or more boats to ferry them and their weapons, which jurors were told were stored at a Comfort Inn in Arlington, Va., across the Potomac River.
In a Jan. 1 Facebook post, Caldwell wrote, “It begins for real January 5 and 6 in Washington DC when we mobilize in the streets Let them try to certify on Capitol Hill with a million or more patriots on the street. This kettle is set to boil.”
Several thousand Trump supporters attended the president’s speech at the Capitol Ellipse on Jan. 6, and a smaller subset headed for the Capitol and engaged in violence there, among them an Oath Keepers group that an FBI witness testified was smaller than two dozen. Lawyers for the defendants highlighted that number, saying it showed the government was exaggerating the threat posed by the Oath Keepers.
Terry Cummings, a retired Portland, Ore., public transit worker and Oath Keepers member, was called as a prosecution witness and told the jury he learned in late December that the group was planning to travel to Washington for the Jan. 6 rally.
Cummings testified that he brought an AR-15 rifle with him to Washington and a case containing ammunition. Once in the D.C. area, though, he said, he stashed his weapon and ammunition in an Arlington hotel where he was told a Quick Reaction Force would be based. At the hotel, he testified, he had “not seen that many weapons in a location” since serving in the military himself.
After stashing his weapon and ammo, Cummings testified that he moved to a different hotel in Washington itself where he overnighted in a room booked by a fellow Oath Keepers member.
Cummings testified that he attended the Jan. 6 rally at the Ellipse and was admitted to a VIP section near the White House. He left the rally early, he said, to escort an African American woman VIP, who he could not otherwise identify, to the Capitol.
Cummings said that when he got to the Capitol, it seemed to him that the Oath Keepers were not playing a leadership role in the clashes between Trump supporters and police. After dropping off the VIP he and others were escorting, he went to the east side of the Capitol, where at one point Oath Keepers and others set up “stack formations” to breach the building. Cummings testified that he didn’t believe it would be a good idea to enter the Capitol because Vice President Mike Pence was there, and he broke away from his group to find a toilet.
After he returned to the Capitol, he could not immediately find fellow Oath Keepers but eventually ran across Rhodes, who commented on what he said were fumes of CS riot gas. “Suck it up. A little tear gas isn’t any big deal,” Cummings said Rhodes told him.
Caldwell's lawyer David Fischer has argued that inflammatory social media messages posted by defendants were selectively edited to appear incriminating. He told the jury that the Oath Keepers had organized Quick Reaction Forces on multiple occasions before Jan. 6, including during civil disorders in Ferguson, Mo., and Louisville, Ky. He insisted that those forces, which defendants were involved in organizing for Jan. 6, were not in any way designed to attack the U.S. Capitol building.
Cummings said his group returned to their hotel in time to comply with a 6 p.m. curfew imposed by local authorities, and the next morning he headed home. After Jan. 6, he said, he did not participate in any Oath Keepers activities. He testified that during events including his walk to the Capitol, he never heard discussions of any plan to forcefully stop Biden from taking office. Under defense cross-examination, he said he had joined the Oath Keepers after becoming disturbed by riots in Portland staged by the antifa movement and came to believe that local government had practically encouraged the rioters.
Cummings also testified that as he initially made his way to Washington, he heard nothing about a plan to storm the Capitol.
“I would not have continued to D.C. Had I heard of such a plan, I probably would have reported it,” he added.
The trial is expected to continue into mid-November, and Rhodes is expected to testify in his own defense.
In the middle of September, three weeks before Spain’s senate approved a landmark law to honour the victims of the Spanish civil war and the subsequent Franco dictatorship, a new museum quietly threw open its digital doors.
The Virtual Museum of the Spanish Civil War, an online history centre that has been almost a decade in the making, may chronicle and examine a conflict that ended 83 years ago but its aims could not be more timely.
As last Wednesday’s senate session demonstrated, there is still precious little consensus over the 1936-39 war and how to deal with its bitter legacy.
Spain’s socialist prime minister, Pedro Sánchez, said the new law would strengthen the country’s democracy and help bring “justice, reparation and dignity” to the victims of the war and the Franco regime.
His opponents begged to differ. A senator for the conservative People’s party accused the government of trying to “rewrite history” and of “dynamiting” 40 years of forgiveness and reconciliation. The far-right Vox, meanwhile, said it was a “despicable and wretched attack” on Spain’s accurate history.
Antonio Cazorla-Sánchez, one of the architects of the virtual museum, says that while there is a wealth of excellent historical research and material on the war, much of it has not been properly transmitted to the general public. Old enmities, decades of silence, and cursory approaches to teaching schoolchildren about the war and its aftermath mean partisan attitudes, binary analyses and political distortions continue to this day.
“When we started this project, we had to figure out many things, such as what the situation was of the public history of the Spanish civil war in Spain,” says Cazorla-Sánchez, a professor of history at Trent university in Canada.
“We came up with the idea that in Spain we have islands of memory in public history. We wanted to connect them and to create a continent of knowledge. We wanted to create tools that would enable us to convey the history of Spain and the memory of Spanish history to wide sectors of the population.”
The online centre, which bills itself as the “first museum dedicated to this central event of 20th-century history”, tackles Topics that were long taboo under Franco and which remain problematic for many today.
Three years after Franco’s remains were finally removed from their mausoleum in the Valley of the Fallen, Spain now has a democratic memory law that will see the creation of a census and a national DNA bank to help locate and identify the remains of the tens of thousands of people who still lie in unmarked graves, and a ban on groups that glorify the Franco regime.
Although the socialists and their far-left coalition partners see the law as a necessary attempt to come to terms with the past, the Spanish right views it as an affront to the 1977 amnesty law and the so-called Pact of Forgetting that helped steer the country back to democracy after Franco’s death in 1975.
Faced with such polarisation, says Cazorla-Sánchez, there is an acute need for “an inclusive, democratic discourse” about what really happened in the war, about the atrocities committed by both sides, and about what happened afterwards.
“The Francoists kidnapped the pain of the Spaniards,” he says. “They kidnapped history for their own purposes and they built a discourse that was Manichaean, criminal and hypocritical. We have to get those victims incorporated into our current identity from a humanistic and democratic perspective.”
Cazorla-Sánchez and Adrian Shubert, the project’s co-creator, are also uncomfortable with the way that memory is now often used as a synonym for history.
“They are very different things and to really appreciate and understand historical memory, one has to have a reasonably good understanding of the history of what actually happened and how what happened has been presented publicly, and privately, over time and the way those things have changed,” says Shubert, a history professor at Canada’s York university.
The concept of memory, adds Cazorla-Sánchez, can often be a stumbling block to necessary debates: “The moment you put the word ‘memory’ in a text, half the Spanish population goes the other way because it’s all about ‘the Reds’ and ‘revenge’. I think we have to open new mental horizons when it comes to how we approach difficult history.”
The team behind the museum is meeting later this month to discuss the next phase of the project. Plans include teaching tools for schools and universities, a linking of existing databases and resources, and a callout to people in Spain to create an “open gallery” of objects and documents relating to the war.
“One of the ways of dispelling these clouds of politics around the civil war is hearing ordinary Spaniards – not academics, not politicians – just talking about what it means to them,” says Shubert.
He also points out that the Spanish civil war was never a purely Spanish event and that its pains and lessons continue to resonate – especially at a time when the far right is resurgent in Europe and beyond.
“Its origins and causes lay in Spanish domestic history, but, from the outset – and some people would argue even before the outset – it was an international conflict,” says Shubert. “And it was a complex international conflict that can’t be boiled down simply to democracy versus fascism – but certainly that was one of the elements in it. It mobilised people around the world in a way that no event had before, and perhaps never has since.”
Cazorla-Sánchez, unsurprisingly, agrees. “The Spanish civil war matters because we should be aware that democracy is fragile,” he says. “And it’s always at the back of the minds of all democrats: we know our freedom can be taken away sooner than we think.”
The Civil War was the bloodiest conflict in American history. An estimated 620,000 men – including an unknown number of women – fighting for the Union and the Confederacy were killed, about 2% of the nation’s population at the time. According to Battlefields.org, if taken as a percentage of today’s population, that toll would be 6 million people today. All told, there were 1.5 million casualties – deaths, wounded, injury, sickness, internment, or missing in action.
At the time of the Civil War, there were 37 states and all suffered fatalities. However, not all were involved to the same extent, and some states sustained more horrific losses than others. (These are the deadliest battles in U.S. history.)
To determine the states with the most Civil War deaths, 24/7 Wall St. compiled death counts from the American Battlefield Trust and historical tabulations by William F. Fox and Frederick H. Dyer shortly after the war.
Many registries of death, however, had already been destroyed, especially in the South, by the time Fox and Dyer began their work, and many historians suggest Civil War deaths are largely undercounted. Therefore we used the highest measure of deaths for each state. Data on the side each state was on in the conflict also came from the American Battlefield Trust.
New military technology and improved logistics in the Civil War combined with unadapted tactical doctrine to produce a scale of battle casualties unheard of in U.S. history. Most casualties and deaths in the Civil War were the result of non-combat-related disease. For every three soldiers killed in battle, five others died from disease. The rudimentary nature of Civil War medicine meant that many wounds and illnesses were unnecessarily fatal.
Virtually all of the Civil War was fought on Southern soil, though Union forces suffered more casualties. The Southern states of Virginia, North Carolina, Alabama, and South Carolina sustained most of the fatalities for the Confederacy. New York, Illinois, Ohio, and Pennsylvania suffered the most for the North and the most of all states involved. (These are the most pivotal battles that made America what it is today.)
The number of casualties in at least 10 battles was more than 19,000. More American soldiers were killed or wounded at The Battle of Gettysburg alone than during the Revolutionary War and the War of 1812 combined. Because the South was at full conscription, virtually every household was impacted by the war. It is estimated that one in three Southern households lost at least one family member.
Click here to see the state with the most civil war deaths
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